Wayfindingi A study on European public transport centres in general and Knutpunkten, Helsingborg in particular Filippa Lönegren Department of Architecture Chalmers University of Technology Gothenburg, Sweden 2013 Wayfinding - A study on European public transport centres in general and Knutpunkten, Helsingborg in particular © Filippa Lönegren ABC-Tryck AB Gothenburg, Sweden 2013 Examiner: Ola Nylander Tutor: Inga Malmqvist Master Thesis Department of Architecture Chalmer University of Technology SE-412 96 Gothenburg Sweden Images and photos by author unless otherwise stated Wayfi nding is a big part of our daily lives, although we generally do not notice it until we get lost. Good wayfi nding is particularly important in public transport centres where many users are unfamiliar with the setting, and many have reduced wayfi nding capabilities due to stress or worry to miss a departure. Therefore, this study looks closer at the wayfi nding processes and how wayfi nding design can be imple- mented to improve intuitive navigation through public transport centres. This master thesis is an investigative and descriptive study which aims at answering the following research question: Which are the main architectural and graphic factors important for intuitive and effi cient wayfi nding in complex building structures such as public transport centres? A secondary aim is to raise the question of wayfi nding within the discourse of architecture, and highlight the importance of considering wayfi nding throughout the life span of a building. The methods used in the study include a review of the theoretical framework as well as the development of public transport centres, unstructured interviews to collect information and empirical observations which were conducted at four European public transport centres. To analyse the observed objects a walk- through evaluation was conducted at each setting. The fi ndings are applied and tested on a case study, the public transport centre Knutpunkten in Helsingborg, and are formulated as general recommendations for improved wayfi nding prior to its’ upcoming re- construction. The suggestions are illustrated verbally and in diagrams and photos. The fi ndings of this study indicate that the main architectural and graphic factors regarding wayfi nding for fi rst time visitors within public transport centres include, but are not limited to: identity, the building should be identifi able within the urban structure and the different functions should be identifi able within the building, clear and readable spatial organization, visual and audible access combined with physical access, consistent and reliable signage, and fi nally affordance based spaces and building elements which are perceived as logical and intuitive. Wayfi nding, spatial perception, affordance, public transport centres, spatial planning. I would like to thank my tutor Inga Malmqvist as well as my friends in our feedback student group for guidance. A big thank you also goes to Ivar Krepp, Carl Welin and Lena Åberg for providing useful information about Knutpunkten. To Mum and my friend Maria who bared with me during our empirical observations. A fi nal thank you to Raul for moral and practical support. Abstract Key words Acknowledgements 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background 3 1.2. Aim 5 1.3. Limitations 5 1.4. Explanations 5 2. METHODOLOGY 2.1. Literature review 7 2.2. Interviews 7 2.3. Empirical observations 7 2.3.1 Walk-through evaluation 7 2.4. Case study 8 3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 3.1. Spatial perception 10 3.1.1. Basic orientation system 10 3.1.2. Visual perception 10 3.1.3. Auditory perception 11 3.1.4. Haptic perception 12 3.1.5. Olfactory perception 12 3.2. Affordance 13 3.3. Wayfi nding 15 3.3.1. The wayfi nding process 15 3.3.2. Wayfi nding design 17 3.3.3. Components of wayfi nding design 20 3.3.4. Impaired orientation capability 23 3.4. Public transport centers 26 3.4.1. Short history 26 3.4.2. Tendencies 27 3.4.3. Typologies 28 4. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATIONS 4.1. Helsinki Central station 30 4.2. Prague Main train station 32 4.3. Berlin Hauptbahnhof 34 4.4. Copenhagen Central station 36 4.5. Indirect observations 38 5. CASE STUDY 5.1. The region and the city 40 5.1.1. Public transport in Helsingborg 40 5.1.2. Development 41 5.2. Knutpunkten 42 5.2.1. Short history 42 5.2.2. The vision of the architect 42 5.2.3. Current situation 45 5.2.4. Organisation 47 5.2.5. Walk-through evaluation 48 5.2.6. The new detail plan 51 5.2.7. Analysis 52 5.3. Identifi ed problems and suggested solutions 54 5.3.1. Facades 54 5.3.2. Spatial organisation 54 5.3.3. Entrances 55 5.3.4. Bus terminal 56 5.3.5. Train platforms 57 5.3.6. Ground fl oor 58 5.3.7. Second fl oor 59 5.3.8. Signage 60 6. DISCUSSION 6.1. Spatial perception 62 6.2. Affordance 63 6.3. Wayfi nding 63 6.4. Public transport centres 64 6.5. Empirical observations 65 6.6. Case study 67 6.7. Findings 67 7. FINAL CONCLUSIONS 69 8. BIBLIOGRAPHY 70 9. APPENDIX 74 Table of contents Introduction1 Wayfi nding is a big part of our daily lives, though we might not always notice it. We have to fi nd our way through the city, along streets and through buildings. The times that we are aware of using our wayfi nd- ing capacities are when navigating in an unfamiliar environment; we are there for the fi rst time. People tend not to think about wayfi nding until they get lost. In this thesis the focus will be precisely that; people fi nding their way in an unfamiliar building structure. Imagine that you are in a hurry for a meeting or a departure, you are entering a large building for the fi rst time; and you are completely lost. The frus- tration is rising as you struggle to fi nd your way reading confusing signs and time keeps running... Wouldn’t it be wonderful then if the building itself could guide you in the right direction, without you even realising how it happened? Intuitive wayfi nding - when it works you don’t think about it, but when it doesn’t, it really annoys you! Research in wayfi nding investigates the processes that take place when people orient themselves and navigate through space. How people fi nd their way, what people need to fi nd their way and how they communicate directions, as well as how people’s verbal and visual abilities infl uence wayfi nding, is explained in the theories (Raubal, 2008). Wayfi nding tasks can be categorised according to their functional goals: travel with the goal of reaching a familiar destination, exploratory travel with the goal of returning to a familiar point of origin, and travel with the goal of reaching a novel destination (Raubal, 2001). A task within the last category is most often performed through the use of symbolic information (Raubal, 2008). When wayfi nding has been considered during the planning of a building, the users will be able to appre- ciate the architecture, instead of trying to fi gure out how it works. The building will be navigated intuitively and afford the user to proceed in a certain direction. I fi nd my believes formulated beautifully by Klasander in her PhD Suburban navigation: “Design professionals must deal with aesthetics, but for those who want their designs to make an impres- sion, it may be a useful reminder that use comes before form in people’s memories” (Klasander, 2003 p 49). A badly organized building on the other hand, makes the user get lost and feel frustrated. This in turn creates stress and aggression as well as being time consuming. The result is an ineffi cient building. Wayfi nding might be particularly important in public transport centres with a large variety of users and where many people are visiting the building for the fi rst time. It is a challenge to provide good wayfi nding conditions in public transport centres due to many factors such as their scale, complexity and disconnec- tion with the surroundings. In addition, the users of public transport centres often have reduced wayfi nd- ing capabilities due to stress and worries to miss a departure. Travel by public transport is increasing and public transport centres are developing, why it is interesting to look into this sector regarding wayfi nding. There is an expected increase in numbers of passengers in the near future, and with this comes the need for rede- velopment and streamlining of the public transport centres. Because of this there are a lot of expansions and renovations currently under planning and ongoing around Europe as well as in Sweden. 1.1 Background 3Introduction Figure 1 Climate impact per passenger kilometre compared to car travel, index 1 (Trafikverket, 2012) common. Stockholm is the region where the market share for public transport is the highest, while Västra Götaland, Skåne and Uppsala all share the second place (Svensk Kollektivtrafi k, 2013). The study begins with a summary of the theoretical background, containing spatial perception, affordance, wayfi nding and the development of public transport centres. Then follows a description of the empirical observations conducted around Europe and the case study Knutpunkten in Helsingborg, on which the acquired knowledge is applied and tested as recom- mendations before an upcoming renovation. The sug- gestions are illustrated in text, diagrams and images. Finally there is a discussion where the results of the research are evaluated, refl ected upon and concluded. 4Introduction Figure 3 Distribution per means of public transport and passenger kilometre in 2011 (Svensk Kollektivtrafik, 2013) Figure 2 Number of trips by public transport in Sweden per person and year (Svensk Kollektivtrafik, 2013) Bus 48,8% Train 33,2% Metro 13,4% Tram 4,6% The tendency to locate more functions not directly related to travelling, such as shops and workplaces, in the building, is also changing the role of the public transport centre in the city. It is developing into a meeting place, not just for travellers (Bakerson, 2009). One of the reasons for the increasing travel by public transport is the sustainability issue. It is the environ- mentally friendly way to travel; locally, regionally and internationally. Trains are the second most sustain- able means of transport, after bicycles (Kupé, 2013). Figure 1 shows that the average plane releases 3,4 times more greenhouse emissions per passenger kilometre than the car, however trains don’t release almost any emissions, provided that the production of the electricity doesn’t create any. Trains and buses are the most environmentally friendly way of travelling counted per passenger kilometre (Trafi kverket, 2012). The project “Partnersamverkan för en fördubblad kollektivtrafi k” was initiated in 2008 and the aim is to double the number of trips with public transport by 2020 (compared to 2006 fi gures). If public transport doubled its’ market share, the carbon emissions from passenger traffi c would decrease by 20%. The national trade organisations behind the project are: Svensk Kollektivtrafi k, Svenska Bussbranschens Riksförbund, Svenska Taxiförbundet, Branschföreningen Tågop- eratörerna, Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting and Trafi kverket (Partnersamverkan för en fördubblad kollektivtrafi k, 2013). In Sweden the number of trips by public transport per person and year has increased from 130 in 2006 to 137 in 2011 as shown in fi gure 2, and the development in Skåne is following the same trend. Figure 3 shows that bus is the far most common means of public transport per passenger kilometre, while trams are the least The aim of this master thesis is to raise the question and highlight the importance of wayfi nding within the discourse of architecture. It is a descriptive and investigative study which evaluates design advice given in literature as well as built examples according to wayfi nding. Research question Which are the main architectural and graphic factors important for intuitive and effi cient wayfi nding in complex building structures such as public transport centres? The focus of this master thesis is on wayfi nding in unfamiliar environments. Certain public transport centres in Europe are analyzed according to wayfi nd- ing and orientation. The study does not however include staff or offi ce areas of the observed objects, only public areas of the stations are analyzed. Further, the design and graphics of signs are not being studied in detail, however the location of signs are in- vestigated. It is important to note that the suggestions for improved wayfi nding in Knutpunkten are answers to specifi c problems, and not a general solution. The scope of this master thesis is also restricted due to a limit in time. I am aware that there are many, sometimes confl ict- ing, interests when planning and constructing such a complex structure as a public transport centre. If way- fi nding for fi rst time visitors was the only and main priority, there wouldn’t be an issue in the fi rst place. For example the convenience for commuters might be a confl icting interest to wayfi nding for fi rst time users. Affordance according to J. Gibson in 1979: “The affordances of the environment are what it offers the animal, what it provides or furnishes, either for good or ill” (Heft, 1989) Cognition “the mental action or process of acquiring knowledge and understanding through thought, experience, and the senses.” (Oxford Dictionaries, 2013) Cognitive map “an overall mental image or representation of the spaces and the layout of a setting” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 23) Decision plan “the mental solution to a wayfi nding problem as it is developed by the user” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 44) Decision diagram “a diagram established for design or research purposes, showing the desired way for users to solve wayfi nding problems” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 44) Imageability “The ease with which the spatial layout of a setting is able to be understood and mapped” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 52) Impaired “Having a disability of a specifi ed kind” (Oxford Dictionaries, 2013) Legibility “The ease with which information is able to be perceived” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 50) Perception generally “the ability to see, hear, or become aware of something through the senses” but it could also mean “intuitive understanding and insight” (Oxford Dictionaries, 2013) Spatial cognition “both the perceptual and conceptual processes involved in understanding the physical environment” (Raubal, 2001) Spatial orientation “The process of devising an adequate cognitive map of a setting along with the ability to situate oneself within that representation” (Arthur & Passini, 2002) Terminus Regarding Transport / Railways: “either end of a railway, bus route, etc., or a station or town at such a point” (The free dictionary, 2013) In this thesis: end station. Wayfi nding behavior “the purposeful, directed, and motivated movement from an origin to a specifi c distant destination that cannot be directly perceived by the traveler. It involves interaction between the wayfi nder and the environment” (Raubal 2008) Usability “the extent to which a product can be used by specifi ed users to achieve specifi ed goals with ef- fectiveness, effi ciency and satisfaction in a specifi ed context of use” (ISO 9241-11:1998) 1.2 Aim 1.4 Explanations 1.3 Limitations 5Introduction Methodology2 Previous research within the fi eld was studied and summarised (fi g 4). The areas looked into are spatial perception, wayfi nding, affordance and public transport centres. The literature review was conducted prior to the study trip in order to use the theoretical information during the observations. In this study mixed methods were used (Bryman, 2008). A literature review was made and empirical observations at four public transport centres were conducted. The “walk-through evaluation” method, described below, was used to analyze the observed objects as well as the case study Knutpunkten. To analyse the wayfi nding qualities and problems of the study objects, a modifi ed version of the walk- through evaluation method was made at each site. On the 27th of February an interview with the planning architect at Helsingborgs Stadsdelsförvalt- ning, Carl Welin, and the project leader at Whilborgs Fastigheter AB, Lena Åberg, was conducted at Hels- ingborgs Stadsdelsförvaltning. The interview with Ivar Krepp, who is the architect behind Knutpunkten, was held on the 29th of March, at Bastugatan in Stockholm. Both interviews, which were conducted in order to collect information, were unstructured and took a bit over an hour each. The method, also called “touring interview”, is used for Post Occupancy Evaluation, POE, in the U.S, U.K and New Zeeland as a way to evaluate buildings both pre-planning and for improvement programs of existing settings. A walk-through evaluation is said to be a fast way to get an overview of the building, by walking through it, taking pictures and recording your experiences. A more detailed version of the analysis method, called “gåtur-metod”, including a discussion between users and planners has been successfully developed and used in Denmark by Ivor Ambrose (de Laval 1998). Note that the person leading the walk-through is, more or less, affecting the result of the evaluation, mostly due to the choice of “stopping points” (de Laval 1998). The empirical observations were conducted at four public transport centres in Europe: Helsinki Central Station, Prague Main Train Station, Berlin Hauptbah- nhof and Copenhagen Central Station. The selection of study objects was made partly due to them being geographically reachable, as well as giving variation in size, age and typology. The evaluated travel centres are all central stations which are serviced by at least three different means of transport and are major inter- change points. The times and days for the evaluations were also chosen due to the tight travel schedule. The study objects were evaluated during a few hours each in February and March 2013. The evaluations were conducted by me and a travel partner. For the evaluation of Helsinki Central station, the travel partner was my mother who is a compliance offi cer with quite a lot of travel experience, but no education within architecture or urban planning. For the other three evaluations, my friend Maria, who is a nurse, was my travel partner. She is also a quite experienced traveller but hasn’t got any deeper knowledge within architecture. The general impressions of the observed stations are summarized as a text which both describes and analyses the studied objects. In addition to the structured observations around Europe, indirect observations during my journeys in Sweden have contributed to the results of this thesis as well. 2.1 Literature review 2.2 Interviews 2.3 Empirical observations 7Methodology Walk-through evaluation Figure 4 Some of the studied literature To be able to compare the walk-through evaluations it is important to perform them in a prepared and careful manner, and try to conduct them as similar as possible, i.e. on the same day of the week and the same time of the day, use the same start and goal points of the routes etcetera. A slightly modifi ed version of the walk-through evaluation method was used during the observations together with my travel partner. Both of us were fi rst time visitors of the stations, however I had studied them on paper in advance. At each study object we performed two different routes, simulating two regular routes by an average user. One route simulated arrival by train, and therefore the starting point was at a platform (fi g 5). From there we found our way fi rst to a tourist information or map over the station and surroundings, and thereafter to connecting means of transport (bus or metro). The second route started outside the train station, simu- lating a situation where localizing the entrance is the fi rst step, and thereafter purchasing a ticket, fi nding information about departures, and fi nally get to the right platform. The difference between the walk-through evaluation method described above, and how I performed the analysis is that I set a certain starting and goal point of the route in advance, but not the exact route and every stopping point. Since the focus of my evaluation is wayfi nding and orientation, setting a precise route beforehand would have decreased an important factor of the analysis. The walk-through evaluation method used for this study is conducted as an indicative review of the Post Occupancy Evaluation investigation levels (Barlex, 2006). Implementation: At each decision point we looked for wayfi nding cues, took pictures and recorded our im- pressions. We then proceeded in the direction given by the cues, and stopped at the next decision point. The procedure was repeated until the goal point was reached. After each route, we had a short conversa- tion summarising our notes and discussed our general impression of the building. I took precautions not to lead my partner, since I had previous knowledge from studying the fl oor plans of the buildings. I let my partner comment fi rst, and oc- casionally asked additional questions. The factors that were analysed at each decision point are: -architectural wayfi nding cues: shape, colour, patterns, light -graphic wayfi nding cues: signs, arrows, colour coding -perceptual wayfi nding cues: sounds, smells, other people, contrast, incline/decline -problems: lack of wayfi nding cues, contradictory cues -wayfi nding cues for impaired: visual or tactile guide paths, contrasts, location of elevators The case study for my master thesis is Helsingborg Central station, Knutpunkten, which is currently un- dergoing planning for a major refurbishment. Both the current building as well as the proposed changes in the new detail plan have been assessed based on the theoretical framework and the empirical observations. Finally, the acquired knowledge has been applied and tested as suggestions for improvements which would make Knutpunkten more intuitive according to way- fi nding. The reason why Knutpunkten was chosen as the case study for this master thesis is because it is a complex building with several functions and services. It is a central station and a major interchange point, and it is perceived by many to be a rather malfunctioning building which is not up to date with today’s traffi c fl ows. The ongoing planning for quite extensive changes of Knutpunkten also provides a unique possibility for the result of this thesis to be implemented in reality within the near future. A similar walk-through evaluation of Knutpunkten as of the previous study objects around Europe was performed, however without a travel partner. 2.4 Case study 8Methodology Figure 5 Walk-through evaluation at Helsinki Central station Theoretical Framework3 Through our senses we receive information about the world around us, which we then use for example when making wayfi nding decisions to navigate through the surroundings. The information is perceived through one or more of our perceptual systems. The perceptual systems important for spatial per- ception are: the basic orientation system, the visual system, the auditory system, the haptic system and the olfactory system. We don’t use one perceptual system at the time, but our experiences are often a conglomer- ate of several perceptions from the different systems. The perceptions from the different senses affect each other and they can both enhance and disrupt an im- pression. To exemplify, a departure board tells you that your train departs from platform 3, and a loud speaker an- nouncement reassures you that you have perceived the information correctly. In this case the two perceptions, visual and auditory, reinforce the impression and confi rm each other. If two, or more, perceptions on the other hand contradict each other, the impression will be one of confusion (Ljunggren et al., 1997). As an example, the sign for a bakery points one way, but the smell of fresh bread reaches you from the opposite direction. The reinforcements can be intentional or unintention- al. An example of intentional reinforcement could be when a transport company confi rms written informa- tion with oral messages, while the sound of a fi re truck and the smell of smoke in an unintentional reinforce- ment (Ljunggren et al., 1997). Noise is a word most of us associate with annoying sounds, but within psychology of perceptions, noise is any property of the environment which makes a per- ception unclear. Hence, it affects hearing as well 3.1 Spatial perception 10 Basic orientation system Visual perception Theoretical framework as vision, smell and orientation. A visual noise for example, could be when trying to spot someone in a crowd but not managing due to all the people moving in the room, and if we cannot distinguish the smell of something burning because of the strong scent of perfume, that is due to olfactory noise. Vibrations and extreme temperatures also count as noise because they reduce our attention span and capability to focus (Ljunggren et al., 1997). I have chosen not to include the gustatory system (taste) in this study since it has little or no impact on wayfi nding. The basic orientation system receives stimuli through the vestibular mechanism in the inner ear among others. It informs us of our body’s position in relation to gravity and acceleration, and tells us about the direction of these forces when we move. The vestibular mechanism is a lot older than, for example the visual system, and shouldn’t be neglected. Some animals can to some extent move in complete darkness, and even blind people have something we usually call “sense of direction” (Gibson, 1969). The simplest kind of orientation, direction up-down and towards the supporting surface, is the perception on which all other perceptions depend on. This is what sometimes is referred to as spatial perception i.e. a constant underlying awareness of what is permanent in the world. The basic orientation system offers a stable platform for the perceptual organs in the head and the eyes in particular (Gibson, 1969). When asking people what function the vision has, they might answer “to read with” or “to recognize friends with”, but few realize that the eyes are essential for the fundamental act of movement. The bishop and philosopher Berkley described the vision as a sense of space, and he viewed spatial vision as a foresight of what can happen when touching an object, before you touch it (Gibson, 1969). Since our eyes are only able to focus on one point at the time, a scanning ability is required to examine the optical pattern. There has to be a selection of some things, and neglecting of others. This is what we call visual attention (Gibson, 1969). When moving through a complex setting, the eye scans the visual fi eld to identify objects or messages of interest. These objects are focused upon for only some tens of a second, and the obtained image is held in a short-term visual memory until it is translated into memory of longer duration. The short-term visual memory has a limited retention capacity, and if it is asked to absorb too much information an overload may occur. In particular graphic information has to be designed according to this scanning and glancing process, or people tend to ignore it (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The scanning exploration enables a better general registration of the surrounding light, but only over time, since the simultaneous registration of the whole pattern partly has been sacrifi ced (Gibson, 1969). Despite this, visual scanning is fast, effi cient and reliable for environmental perception compared to the other perceptual systems. Furthermore, the sight is also very versatile, it works both for distance and for close-up views (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Depth is perceived either by registering the disparity between the perspectives projected in each eye, or by transferring the projection centre, thus moving our head in order to change the perspective (Gibson, 1969). Both acuity and colour discrimination is reduced in darkness when the eyes adapt to night vision (Gibson, 1969). The perception of colour is possible because surfaces and objects have different abilities to refl ect and transmit different wavelengths from the incident light radiation. However, the relationship between this light radiation which reaches our eye, and the colour we actually see, is complex and ambiguous. Colour can appear as the colour of a surface, the colour of a volume, for example tinted glass or liquid, or the colour of a light source (Ljunggren et al., 1997). The two basic functions for our colour vision is discrimination and characterization. With colour contrasts we can distinguish surfaces and objects from each other. The colour also informs us of the nature, quality and function of objects as well as associate to and arouse feelings (Ljunggren et al., 1997). Different cultures both transcribe different symbolic meanings to colour, but also perceive colours differently. Research shows that the language you speak affects how you see colour (Do you see what I see?, 2011). The colour of an object affects how we perceive it. Light colours make objects seem larger, and this per- ception is accentuated if the light contrast between the object and the background is increased. The bright- ness and lightness of surfaces affect the experience of distance to it. Light and less bright surfaces is experi- enced as further away than dark and brightly coloured ones. The hue is another factor regarding perception of distances. Warm colours, such as yellow, orange and red, generally make a surface seem closer to the observer than surfaces at the same distance with cold colours, such as blue and green (Ljunggren et al., 1997). The experience of spatial qualities can also be modifi ed through colour. A room with light limiting surfaces is perceived as larger and more open than one with dark surfaces. By making some surfaces of a room light, and others dark you can alter the perceived shape of the space. Colours are also said to be able to affect our physical experiences such as thermal comfort, pace of the time, and calmness versus activity (Ljunggren et al., 1997). Hearing is probably our second most used sense for wayfi nding since it enables us to identify certain char- acteristics of the setting and to perceive distant cues (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The auditory system for per- ception includes not only the two ears, but the muscles which orient the ears towards the sound source as well. Hence, the function of the auditory system is not only to able hearing, but also to register the direction and nature of the sound in order to identify it (Gibson, 1969). The type of stimuli perceived by the auditory system are vibrations in the air, i.e. sound waves. The so called wave front is specifi c for the direction of the source, while the wave length is specifi c for the type of source. If there are more than one sound source in the surrounding, the wave fronts will reach the ear at the same time. This implies that because the sound waves blend together, you would not be able to perceive or distinguish them. It is however possible, by so called selective listening (Gibson, 1969). The value of a sound source for wayfi nding is often reduced because of the unreliability of the source. For example, you can always see a tree from a given distance, but you can only hear it if the wind blows. Echo-location is more reliable in this sense, but it requires a relatively quiet environment and only works at small distances. Not only blind people are able to use sounds to identify objects. A study showed that blindfolded sighted people also were capable of identifying openings, barriers and overhangs through echo-location (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The advantage of orientation by sound, compared to vision is that sounds travels around corners (Gibson, 1969). Sound are also excellent warning cues since they are perceived regardless of head position (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Sound is measured in decibel, dB. The volume of a sound also gives information about the source. For example the increasing volume of an engine tells us that a vehicle is approaching (Ljunggren et al., 1997). It is diffi cult to keep a conversation in a noisy environ- ment, and the acoustics of a space infl uences at what distance it is even possible. Researchers claim that a space in which the reverberation is long, gives an even smaller possibility to perceive speech, than just the noise itself. Noisy environments and loud volumes are also associated with high blood pressure, aggres- sion, lack of sleep and a decreased work performance among others (Ljunggren et al., 1997). 11 Auditory perception Theoretical framework The word haptic originates from the Greek word for “to touch”, haptikos. The haptic system is the mechanism through which you receive information about the surroundings as well as your own body. You perceive an object in relation to your body, and your body in relation to an object (Gibson, 1969). In contrast to the other perceptual systems, stimuli to the haptic system is perceived with the whole body; the skin, the limbs, the muscles and the angle of the joints. Even the relation between different parts of our bodies give us important information about our body posture for example. Blind people are able to point in a specifi c direction, based on the information received from his or her own body in combination with the environment and gravity; horizontal, straight up, backwards etcetera (Gibson, 1969). Perceiving with the haptic system is actually very often a form of indirect mechanic stimuli transmitted to the skin or limb through an appendage, such as hair or nails, and not via direct contact with the object. This works principally in the same way as when using ex- tensions of our limbs, like a walking stick, to discover and examine the surroundings (Gibson, 1969). Perception through the haptic system can be described as slower than, for example, visual perception. The area you can perceive by touching is restricted to the size of, for example your hands, while it is possible to perceive a whole landscape with your eyes (Ljunggren et al., 1997). Though haptic perceptions are not as inferior to the optical as we might think. For example, the colour of an object cannot be distinguished with the haptic system but with the visual, however the relative tem- perature of that same object is impossible to perceive through vision (Gibson, 1969). The word for the sense of smell originates from the Latin word olfactus (Ljunggren et al., 1997). The primary function of the olfactory system is to discover objects at a certain distance by its’ smell, or more precisely by its’ vapour, as well as to identify and evaluate the source of the smell. Secondary is orienta- tion and controlling the behaviour, which includes movement in relation to the source of the smell; to follow a smell you maximize it, and to escape from it you do the exact opposite (Gibson, 1969). Using a smell for orientation towards something other than the actual source, requires previous knowledge about the setting. If you know that the burger place is just left from the entrance, you can orient yourself in relation to the smell of it, but if you however are navi- gating through an unfamiliar environment, the smell can only direct you towards its’ source. Our perception of odours is not fi ne enough to give us many directional cues though. Or sense of smell might have a limited capacity for place identifi cation, but it tends to be very unreliable in our contemporary envi- ronment (Arthur & Passini, 2002). People in general fi nd it diffi cult to defi ne a certain smell, and tend to describe them using metaphors instead. The experience of a smell is subjective. If we think that something smells good or bad depends, in many cases, on the situation and the person’s own preferences. What we can register however is people’s spontaneous reactions to a smell, which are relatively unanimous. For example do most of us wrinkle our nose when perceiving a “bad” smell (Ljunggren et al., 1997). Smells also work as signs, it is something we give a meaning to. The smell of smoke for example, we interpret as something burning, i.e. we give the smell a meaning. Some functions defi ne the facilities they harbour. If you feel the smell of hair spray or coffee, you experience that as a sign of a hair salon or café nearby (Ljunggren et al., 1997). 12 Haptic perception Olfactory perception Theoretical framework The concept of affordances comes from the ecological psychology based on the paradigm of direct percep- tion; it is what an object, an assemblage of objects or an environment enables people to do (Raubal, 2001). The affordances of a given place in the environment establish for an individual what actions are possible there and what the consequences of those actions are (Heft, 1989). The term was originally introduced by James J. Gibson who investigated how people visually perceive their environment (Raubal, 2008). Affordances have to be described relative to the person. For example, a chair’s affordance “to sit” results from a bundle of attributes, such as “fl at and hard surface” and “height”, many of which are relative to the size of an individual. Hence, affordances can be considered as measurable aspects of the environment, but only to be measured in relation to the individual. It has been demonstrated that the “climbability” affordance of stairs is more effectively specifi ed as a ratio of riser height to leg length. During experi- ments, subjects of different heights perceived stairs as climbable depending on their own leg length, as opposed to some objectively quantifi ed value (Raubal, 2008). The relative nature of affordances can be illustrated by the fact that a surface perceived as a seat by a young child may not be perceived as such by an adult. For example a bar stool might not be perceived as a seat by a child due to its height, and a cardboard box may not be perceived as a potential seat by an adult, however by a child, because of their differences in weight. Af- fordances then, have both objective and subjective qualities. They are objective in the sense that they are “facts of the environment”, however what constitutes for example a seat, depends on the user. Affordances though, refer to much more than solely the dimensions of the body of the user. They are also related to what an individual can do and what his potentialities for action are (Heft, 1989). Buildings have many high-level affordances, including affording shelter from the exterior environment, affording comfort through climate control, affording storage of goods and affording aesthetics to occupants and passers-by. Looking at specifi c building elements, windows afford the transmission of light and possibly also the exchange of air, while fl oors afford support for walking and placing furniture (Maier & Fadel, 2009). Many researchers have believed that Gibson’s theory is insuffi cient to explain perception because it neglects processes of cognition. His account deals only with individual phenomena, but ignores cat- egories of phenomena. Norman’s investigations on the affordances of everyday things (POET), such as doors, telephones and radios, showed that the objects provide strong clues to their operation. In that sense, affordances are seen as the results from the mental interpretation of things, based on people’s past knowledge and experiences, which are applied to the perception of these things. It has also been stated that a person’s culture, social setting, experience and intentions determine her perception of affordances. Affordances, therefore, play a key role in an experi- ential view of space, because they offer a user centred perspective (Raubal, 2008). The starting point for Norman’s research was the observation that many people experience trouble with common everyday tasks such as opening a door or turning on a light, while at the same time proving capable of mastering complex technologies and chal- lenges like computer programming. He argues that this is due to faulty design rather than the incapac- ity of the users, as much of our everyday knowledge resides in the world and not in our heads. 3.2 Affordance 13Theoretical framework Figure 6 Push and pull doors at Helsinki Central station user can open and close the door. A lever or knob invites the user to turn it and then pull or push, while a metal plate only affords pushing (fi g 6). An appropri- ately shaped lever or a push and pull bar, which also releases the latch could be used for all types of doors, and is frequently encouraged in architecture (Kouta- manis, 2006). Possible uncertainty caused by misaffordances, such as designing both the fi xed and opening parts of a glass facade in the same way which makes the user not know where to go, can be reduced by clearly indicat- ing the approach to the door in the pavement. Other relevant visual cues of how to operate a door, involve the visibility of hinges and the position of the door in the wall (Koutamanis, 2006). Architectural design generally involves a wider func- tional scope than the majority of objects discussed in affordance studies. Two levels of functional abstrac- tion can be distinguished: the spatial level, where the door affords communication or separation between two spaces, and the interaction with the door itself in order to achieve the communication or separa- tion. The spatial level is important for the formula- tion of use expectations, as well as for the recognition of visual clues concerning affordances. The design of a building should generate consistent affordances that improve functionality and usability. The spatial aspects should inform users in a direct manner about the intentions of the architect and the behaviour of the design (Koutamanis, 2006). “The main advantage of affordances lies in the inte- gration of information concerning functionality and usability into comprehensive structures which can be applied throughout the life cycle of the building” (Koutamanis, 2006, p 361). 14Theoretical framework The availability of knowledge in the world means that precision in behaviour is not obstructed by impreci- sion of knowledge in the head (Koutamanis, 2006). When designers take advantage of affordances, the user knows what to do just by looking, and although complex situations may require supporting informa- tion, simple tasks should not or the design has failed. By applying affordances in the design of an object, the level of cognition and learning time required to use it, can be reduced. This should also be the case in archi- tecture and buildings: most uses of the built environ- ment should not require any additional information (Koutamanis, 2006). Affordance theories suggest that human interaction with the built environment is largely conditioned by the affordances of building elements and spaces, which should allow for direct recognition of possibili- ties in any setting. Most users approach and manipu- late buildings in a very intuitive and direct way. Buildings should not require extensive and detailed explanation of how they work, but be immediately evident on the basis of direct and meaningful rela- tionships with the user’s expectations (Koutamanis, 2006). The cause behind most problems in the use of buildings is not cultural or individual differences, but rather design limitations such as the size or shape of a space, or incompatible use specifi cation, for example large furniture in a small space. Affordances promise integration of different viewpoints, such as architects, engineers, clients and users, as well as continuity, namely compatible expressions of functionality and usability throughout the whole life span of a building (Koutamanis, 2006). The door is a classic example for illustrating the affordances of a building element. The evaluation usually focuses on the door handle and the way the The forerunner of wayfi nding, spatial orientation, appeared in neuropsychological literature over a century ago. Case studies of patients who were incapable of the most elementary understanding of where they were and how to reach given destinations due to brain lesions, were reported. These defi cien- cies were later identifi ed as spatial agnosia and spatial amnesia (Arthur & Passini, 2002). There are many defi nitions of spatial orientation, but they all refer in one way or the other to a person’s ability to determine his or her location in a setting. From a cognitive perspective, spatial orientation is based on the ability to form a cognitive map. A cognitive map is the representation people have of their surrounding environment, which cannot be seen from one single point alone. It has to be composed from a series of individual perspectives. You are considered spatially oriented if you have an adequate cognitive map of the surrounding setting and are able to situate yourself within that representation (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Researchers working in the fi eld of cognitive mapping were confronted by major methodological and concep- tual problems, concerning reliability, the term “map” and the notion of adequacy. Observations showed that people in many situations got around quite well and did not feel disoriented, even if they had a very primitive understanding of the setting. For example, even though complex underground public transport interchanges tend to be particularly diffi cult to map, people may not consider themselves disoriented as long as they know how to reach certain destinations Arthur & Passini, 2002). The term spatial orientation and the concept of cognitive mapping are perfectly suited to describe the static relationship to space, but cannot cover the dynamic aspects of people’s movement. A new concept which accounted for people’s movement in space and their sense of being oriented, was needed (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The term way-fi nding was fi rst used by the American architect Kevin Lynch in his book The image of the city from 1960. His goal was to develop a method for the evaluation of city form based on the concept of imageability, and to offer principles for city design (Raubal, 2008). Maps, street numbers, route signs etcetera were described as way-fi nding devices. His work is however based on the concept of spatial ori- entation and the cognitive map. The best known part of his book is the analysis of the city and its’ elements; paths, edges, landmarks, nodes and districts. Though Lynch’s work had a major infl uence on research during the 60s, it had little infl uence on architecture (Arthur & Passini, 2002). In the 1970s a conceptual shift occurred and the new notion, baptized wayfi nding, incorporated all the perceptual, cognitive and decision-making processes necessary to fi nd one’s way. Wayfi nding can be described as the dynamic relationship to space or spatial problem solving (Arthur & Passini, 2002), which is the interpretation of the concept used in this thesis. Future wayfi nding research will focus on differences between wayfi nding in the real world compared to wayfi nding in electronic and virtual spaces, to be able to design more user-friendly automated wayfi nd- ing systems, such as electronic navigation systems (Raubal, 2008). According to Hirtle in his article Wayfi nding, landmarks from 2008, important developments will probably occur in “developing appropriate wayfi nding theories for intermodal transportation, such as moving from bicycle to bus to subway and navigation through three-dimensional environments, such as subway stations”. He also mentions spatial cognition and the use of landmarks in particular populations, such as elderly or impaired, as an area for active research (Hirtle, 2008). “Considering that every journey we ever make is based on wayfi nding, the process works surprisingly well” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 39). The conditions for wayfi nding can be described as normal, recreational or emergency. Normal way- fi nding conditions are those day-to-day conditions measured exclusively in terms of their effi ciency and utility. By contrast, recreational wayfi nding conditions call for the ability to explore and enjoy the setting. Emergency conditions, quite obviously, can and do happen at any time, anywhere (Arthur & Passini, 2002). In this thesis the focus will be on normal way- fi nding conditions. There are four interactive resources on which people’s spatial abilities mainly depend; perceptual capabili- ties, fundamental information-processing capabilities, previously acquired knowledge and motor capabili- ties. For people to fi nd their way from an origin to a destination, these abilities are a necessary prerequisite (Raubal, 2001). Wayfi nding is problem solving, and making a journey and reaching a destination are wayfi nding goals. Reaching these goals require action and behaviour. If a journey is taken for the fi rst time and the 3.3 Wayfinding 15Theoretical framework The wayfinding process destination is unfamiliar, you are faced with a problem to which you must fi nd a solution. The solution is a plan of action, answering the three major questions: where, how and when to go (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Wayfi nding comprises three specifi c but interrelated processes: decision making and the development of a plan of action, decision execution which transforms the plan into appropriate behaviour at the right place in space, and information processing understood in its generic sense as containing environmental percep- tion and cognition (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Both decision making and decision executing require environmental information. One of the most important aspects of wayfi nding design, is to provide this information at the appropriate place (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Decisions are related to each other, they are ordered. For example, to open a can of mushrooms you need to make some very specifi c decisions: get the can, get the can opener, apply the can opener, and activate the cutting device. Not only must you make these decision, you have to execute them in a certain order. As described by Arthur and Passini: “A decision plan (or plan of action) not only contains the relevant decisions but it refl ects the logic that links the decisions to the problem. The same logic links way- fi nding decisions” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 27). Wayfi nding is also continuous problem solving. Even with the best of intentions, the wayfi nder cannot develop a detailed decision plan beforehand, simply because all the required information might not be available. Availability of information is crucial to wayfi nding decision making. It is not uncommon that at a certain point along a route, no information or only contradictory information is available. In this situation the wayfi nder has no other option than to resort to trial and error, making decisions based on chance or instinct. There is a however a slight difference in how people behave in wayfi nding situations like this. Some will use only a minimum of information to make the decision, “just enough to go ahead”, while others will do a more thorough search of available informa- tion before committing themselves. Taking a familiar route however, is nothing other than the execution of an already recorded decision plan (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Looking at all the decisions included in a plan of action, fi gure 7, we can see that it is hierarchically structured with the most general decisions at the top (to the left in the diagram) and the decisions leading directly to spatial behaviour at the bottom (to the right in the diagram). By breaking down complex wayfi nd- ing problems into smaller problems, whose solutions do not exceed three to four decisions, they become more manageable. The structure also makes the decision plan a lot easier to remember. Notable is that a person giving directions, who relies on a structured plan of action, is able to describe a route including far more decisions than the inquiring person, who is receiving a string of decisions in an unstructured form, has the capacity to remember (Arthur & Passini, 2002). A plan of action is a mental solution to a wayfi nd- ing problem, but to reach your destination your decisions must be executed, thus transformed into the right behaviour at the right place. When executing a decision, we match a mental image or idea with the environment, and if we fi nd the corresponding inter- section, stair or billboard, we execute the behavioural part of the decision. If we cannot fi nd the correspond- ing part in the environment, we cannot execute the decision and instead we have to develop a plan to solve the problem. This is one way to defi ne a wayfi nding problem, which is a wayfi nding decision which cannot be directly executed but requires further planning (Arthur & Passini, 2002). While decision execution operates on an unconscious level, decision making generally requires attention. 16 Decision making and execution Figure 7 A hierarchically structured decision plan (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) D1 go to destination x in complex A D2 go to complex A D3 go to garage D4 park car D5 find address of destination A D6 go to garage elevator D7 consult directory D8 go to 5th floor D9 press call button D10 enter elevator D11 press floor button D12 leave elevator on 5th floor D13 go to destination x D14 check passage D15 follow signs D16 enter door of destination Theoretical framework Perception and cognition are the components of information processing. These two are interrelated and it is often diffi cult to distinguish one process from the other. Perception relates to the processes of obtaining information through the senses, while cognition relates to the understanding and manipula- tion of information (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Since environmental perception has been described in a previous chapter, this part will focus on environmental cognition. Cognition means knowing and understanding. Arthur & Passini has distinguished two aspects of environmental cognition in their book Wayfi nding: People, signs and architecture: The fi rst one is “The knowledge people have about the given components of a setting, such as the buildings they remember in a cityscape”, and the second aspect is “The under- standing of the spatial characteristics of a setting, which has already been described as a cognitive map” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 37). Researchers who have studied which characteris- tics that make a building memorable, arrived at the following factors: the form of the building such as size, complexity of shape and uniqueness in architec- tural style, visibility and access, the use or function and fi nally symbolic signifi cance. Some research has shown that people in the process of mapping a new environment tend to start by recording landmarks, and then used them as anchor-points to fi ll in the paths, while others assumed paths and districts to be the original structuring element. According to Arthur & Passini, the choice might depend on the features in the environment, as much as on personal preference (Arthur & Passini, 2002). A distinction between two different types of cognitive maps can be made. The representation of a setting First time users have to reach a goal without the help of a previously acquired mental map, which means that they depend on external information, also called knowledge in the world. Such information resides in the environment and is communicated through signs, guidance systems and architectural cues. The defi - ciency of clues is the main reason for environments being too complex to facilitate wayfi nding. When people are not provided with the adequate knowledge in the world, in many cases they fi nd it diffi cult to perform wayfi nding tasks in unfamiliar environments. These environments either lack suffi cient wayfi nding information or their architecture is badly designed and therefore not readable (Raubal, 2001). “We all know the stressful and sinking feeling when one gets lost in an airport, a large offi ce building, or on a university campus” (Raubal, 2001, p 2). Four classes of environmental variables that infl uence wayfi nding performance in built environments have been identifi ed: visual access, architectural differentia- tion, signs and room numbers to provide identifi ca- tion or directional information, and plan confi gura- tion. Studies have shown that the spatial structure of the physical environment has a strong infl uence on people’s wayfi nding behaviour, and that people’s familiarity with the environment has a big impact on wayfi nding performance (Raubal, 2001). Wayfi nding takes place in large-scale spaces which cannot be perceived from a single viewpoint, hence people have to navigate through these spaces to experience them (Raubal, 2008). An isovist space is the total area that can be viewed from one single point (Klarqvist, 1993). The concept of isovists, as shown in fi gure 8, is a way to defi ne what is visually accessible from a specifi c point. Regarding wayfi nding however, the interesting part is how the isovists are connected, and can be used to lead from one space to another by giving useful spatial information in any given space (Klasander, 2003). “Wayfi nding requirements, whether they be at the regional, urban or architectural scale, are integral to the design process - from the most general, overall spatial organization of the setting to the articula- tion of the form-giving features, and right down to the individual architectural and graphic messages. Wayfi nding requirements shape the setting, affect the choice of circulation system, and contribute to the design of the interior. This is particularly true in large building complexes” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 42). based on personal exploration, tends to be more schematic and abstract, while learning a setting from a physical map tends to result in a more fi gural and Gestalt-like representation. The cognitive map learned from a physical map tends to be oriented, and one will “see” a map in the mind. The representation of a route learned exploring a setting is not oriented and therefore more fl exible in use, however it may be less precise (Arthur & Passini, 2002). To be able to use a representation of a setting to solve wayfi nding problems, it needs to be manipulated. Arthur & Passini have identifi ed some basic wayfi nd- ing problems and determined the corresponding spatio-cognitive manipulation for each of them, which are crucial for wayfi nding. For example the wayfi nd- ing task of learning a new route requires recording a decision plan and/or developing a cognitive map, while returning to the point of origin requires inverting a decision plan or the mapped route. The spatio-cognitive operation which seems to be the most diffi cult one, is the mental rotation which is required when learning a route from a non-aligned display (Arthur & Passini, 2002). 17 Information processing Theoretical framework Wayfinding design Visual access alone though, is not useful for naviga- tion to our destination, but needs to be accompanied by physical access. Examples can be taken from some housing estate suburbs, where the visual access might be unrestricted but the physical access is limited, often because of barriers created by the traffi c separation system. You can see where you want to go, but not fi gure out how to get there (Klasander, 2003). It is possible to give the impression of a smaller space in a large setting, such as hospitals or public transport centres, by limiting the necessary movements through the building, and provide good possibilities to survey the structure. Then the visitor don’t have to conduct long, time consuming movements, and the feeling of smallness before the building is reduced (Bergström, 1996). Architectural shapes affect people’s movements in a way that is common for most people. The shapes can be attractive, repellent or leading in relation to the movements of the people. The movements are also affected by other people’s positions and movements in the space. It is possible to use architectural elements to direct people’s movements, and studies have shown that the design of the details is signifi cant for that purpose (Bergström, 1996). “Spatial planning provides the context for wayfi nding and sets the stage for the problem-solving perfor- mance” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 43). The organiza- tion and the nature of the circulation systems, i.e. the spatial characteristics of a site, affect the wayfi nding diffi culties that confronts the user. The location of entrances and exits, major destinations and therefore the nature of the circulation system, the organiza- tion of the spaces as well as the visual accessibility are determined by the spatial planning (Arthur & Passini, 2002). an appropriate information system (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Settings do not necessarily have to be simple for people to fi nd their way. Spatially interesting, and even complex settings, can be wayfi nding-effi cient. The challenge is to design interesting settings that are safe, accessible and wayfi nding-effi cient despite the complexity they might have. Although the spatial layout emerges from a number of considerations such as the function and the servicing of the setting, the site and the neighbouring architecture, it is wayfi nding and the circulation that are the main space-binding factors. In airports, public transport terminals, health care facilities and many other public settings which have to take large amounts of traffi c, the spatial or- ganization is the direct expression of circulation and wayfi nding (Arthur & Passini, 2002). There is a close relationship between spatial organi- zation and decision plans, described previously. The starting point when planning a new setting should be making a decision diagram representing the desired way for users to solve wayfi nding problems, and then develop an appropriate circulation system based on that. The relationship between simple decision diagrams and the accompanying circulation systems are shown in fi gures 9 and 10. The fi rst example shows a spatial organization where the visitors are taken along a main passage from which they branch off to the different zones. In the second example the visitors initially go to a central information square and from there proceed to the desired zone. These two examples illustrate a linear organization in the fi rst case and in the second a hierarchical organization (Arthur & Passini, 2002). In existing buildings the spatial organization is already given, and therefore also the basic decision diagram. The planner should identify these diagrams to better understand the existing system and be able to propose design interventions such as articulating the system and making it perceptually accessible. The main design task in an existing setting is to develop Spatial planning 18 Figure 9 Spatial planning based on decision diagram Linear organisation (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Office zone Main passage Commercial zone Hotel zone Figure 8 An isovist is the visually accessible area from a specific point (adapted from Klasander, 2003) Theoretical framework Environmental communication Office zone Commercial zone Hotel zone Central square Figure 10 Spatial planning based on decision diagram Hierarchical organisation (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) If spatial planning is the stage for wayfi nding, then environmental communication can be compared to the script. Many wayfi nding diffi culties are due to aspects of information processing, and providing the relevant wayfi nding information is an issue both in architec- tural and graphic design. The design of an informa- tion system has to be based on people’s wayfi nding behaviour, contain all necessary information for them to make and execute decisions, and provide the infor- mation necessary for gaining a cognitive map of the setting (Arthur & Passini, 2002). It is the decision plan that is the determining factor in designing an information system. If, for a given decision, we cannot assume that the users have the required information in the form of common knowledge, then the information has to be provided through architectural, graphic or other means. Way- fi nding design should be concerned not only with individual decisions but with a series of them. The logic of the decision plan is what ties the individual decisions into a whole and must also be what ties the information units into the overall system (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Since people when executing a decision plan only perceive information directly relevant to that plan, the information that is not directly applicable to the immediate plan, even if it would be relevant sometime later, tends not to be seen. The location of information is therefore a crucial issue (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Information at the wrong place is as good as no infor- mation at all. The perception of distant cues is of special interest to wayfi nding since it allows people to perceive and direct themselves towards a distant destination which otherwise would require intermediary points of reference. The perception of distant cues simplifi es many wayfi nding tasks (Arthur & Passini, 2002). An information unit has to be perceived at, or shortly before a decision point or the information tends not to be noticed. By transferring the decision of the diagram to the route, the planner can establish the location of the required information. To identify an acceptable area for placing information at a given decision point, the designer has to note the physical characteristics of a setting, such as light levels, density of people and heights of ceilings. By superimposing information areas from different routes, it is possible to identify the optimum location of information displays. The decision diagram thus, is the logic of combining content and location for the information system (Arthur & Passini, 2002). For example, in a hierarchically organized multipur- pose centre, the visitors will, after having entered the building, fi nd themselves in a central square. Here they have to understand that this is a strategic place to fi gure out the organization of the setting. Archi- tectural information can and should communicate the existence and location of the different zones, and graphics should confi rm this information. Once the visitor has reached the desired zone, they enter a smaller information square. At this point the visitor needs to be able to determine how many complexes there are in this zone, where they are located and in which complex their particular destination is located. If the architectural expression is clear, a minimum of signs will be necessary. The information in this example is provided in sequence, and gets more and more detailed the further along the route you get. This is the optimum way to locate information. It always appears when the visitor needs it (Arthur & Passini, 2002). In a large building there are almost an infi nite number of different routes and destinations, however some routes are more representative of people’s movement in the setting, called primary routes, and others are of less importance, secondary and tertiary routes. The primary routes are generally quite limited in numbers. Three kinds can be identifi ed: the main circulation between the entrances and exits and the major des- tination zones, the circulation from one major desti- nation zone to another, and the circulation within a major destination zone. If the information system is clear and effective for the primary routes, it will set the wayfi nding tone for the whole of the setting (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The information a person seeks to solve a wayfi nding problem is not solely determined by the environmen- tal setting. It also depends on that person’s preference for certain kind of information: linear and sequential or spatial and global. However most people use both in different situations. The kind of information preferred is linked to the typologies of cognitive maps described in a previous chapter. It is important that both spatial and linear information is provided to allow for both wayfi nding styles (Arthur & Passini, 2002). 19Theoretical framework Figure 12 Single paths, random/shoestring (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Figure 11 Single paths, ordered/Gestalt (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) The third major aspect of environmental communica- tion, after content and location, is form. Two typical major fl aws of information displays are: either the in- formation is not legible because it is obstructed, badly placed, too small or blurred, or the information is not readable, i.e. it can be perceived but not understood (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Studies have shown that on signs and maps only a small number of written items, generally three at most, can be read at a glance due to the scanning and glancing process. If more than three items are presented on a sign, they should be grouped into packages not exceeding that limit, in order for the message to be perceived in a few glances (Arthur & Passini, 2002). To help the wayfi nder’s search by indicating what to look for, information displays should be consistent in their design and location. An information display should be able to be identifi ed before it can actually be read. The form, the material and the graphics are all contributing elements, and people learn to recognise such displays after seeing them just once or twice (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Colour can be used to facilitate the perception of circu- lation routes, for example by painting all vertical com- munication, such as stairs, escalators and elevators, in a bright colour. The result can be made even more effective by including the signage in the colour coding (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Both spatial planning and environmental communi- cation affects cognitive mapping in major ways. The clarity of the spatial organization and the architectural expression of the underlying principle, are probably the most important factors facilitating cognitive mapping by contributing to the imageability of the setting. The legibility of key architectural elements, such as entrances, circulation and major landmarks, is a prerequisite to understanding the spatial organiza- tion (Arthur & Passini, 2002). People fi nding their way in complex settings will try to understand what the setting contains and how it is organised. Two major aspects regarding the understanding of buildings can be mentioned: a spatial aspect that refers to the total dimensions of the building and a sequential aspect that considers a building in terms of its’ destination routes. Destination routes should eventually lead to so called destination zones. These are groupings of similar destinations within buildings into clearly identifi able zones. In order to facilitate wayfi nding to such destination zones the circulation system should be of a form people can easily understand (Raubal, 2001). Linking the spatial units of a setting can either start with a form and end up with the circulation system, or begin with the circulation system and end up with a form. Whichever way, form and circulation are closely related. The form of a building’s volume provides the user with cues about the internal organisation and circulation system. Therefore it is known that un- derground settings are particularly diffi cult to map. If we understand the circulation system, we can also understand the spatial organisation of the setting and its architecture. The basic types of circulation systems may be categorised as: linear circulations, centralised circulations, composite circulations and circulation networks (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The linear circulation systems can be described as single paths, cores and axes. The paths are either ordered (fi g 11), where the geometrical form is 20Theoretical framework Components of wayfinding design Circulation systems Figure 13 Focal circulation: square, central symmetry and rotation (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) 21Theoretical framework relatively simple, or random (fi g 12) which resembles the form of a dropped shoestring. The core is also a single path, although it gives a certain importance to the setting and is not only circulation, but a place in itself. In an axial circulation system, the spatial elements are symmetrically refl ected by a key axes (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Within the centralised circulation systems group we fi nd focal, concentric and spiral circulation. The focal system (fi g 13) uses the square as the basic circula- tion space. The square can take many forms, but the characteristic is the centre around which space is organised. Related to the focal organisations are the concentric patterns. Concentric systems (fi g 14) are characterised by circulation around a focal square which is perceptually accessible at least in parts. If the centre cannot be perceived, it is referred to as a loop. The spiral pattern (fi g 15), a much less common spatial organisation, can be seen as a rotation with a regularly increasing radius (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Complex settings are not usually based on a single path or focal square, but involve a combination of different circulation systems. These are called composite circulation systems and their main distin- guishing features are the intersections, which create alternative possibilities of movement. Composite circulations can be based on paths only, squares only, or a combination of the two and they refl ect either the random shoestring pattern or a more geometric form leading to a Gestalt pattern (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Circulation networks are characterised by the applica- tion of a dominant, repetitive pattern over a large area. Three types of networks can be distinguished: scatter- point network, grid network and hierarchical network. In a scatter-point network (fi g 16) all random points can be linked together by random lines or curvilinear connections, while the grid network (fi g 17) usually is orthogonal or based on some other recurring geometric form. The hierarchical network system (fi g 18) assumes units of different values linked from a higher to a lower order. This system allows for a free arrangement of the spaces, the only prerequisite is a differentiation in the order of spaces and links (Arthur & Passini, 2002). A layout based on a shoestring pattern must contain distinct features that can serve as cognitive anchor points, which are essential for the decision-making processes. In a network, anchor points should coincide with intersections. For layouts based on the Gestalt pattern to be perceived as a form, they have to be relatively simple, while layouts based on a geometric law are simple to map if the law is perceived and un- derstood by the user. Symmetrical layouts also tend to be easily understood and mapped, however situating oneself in such a setting might be more diffi cult. Here unique landmarks can be introduced to allow users to distinguish one side from the other. Grid networks and especially orthogonal ones, are known to be easily perceived and understood, while in a hierarchical network, care has to be taken to communicate the underlying organisational principle (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Figure 14 Concentric circulation (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Figure 15 Spiral circulation (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Figure 16 Scatter-point network (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Architectural communication The built environment provides the wayfi nder with many and a variety of wayfi nding cues, although people might not always be aware of it. The basic in- formation about entrances, exits, location of paths and vertical accesses as well as the nature of the circulation system are all parts of architectural wayfi nding com- munication (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Paths are perceived by elements (fi g 19), continu- ous or repetitive, on the ground, above, on the sides or a combination of these. A different fl oor material, articulation of the ceiling or elements next to the path can all be used to defi ne it. The articulation of paths is a fundamental aspect of wayfi nding, since it not only indicates the direction of movement and facilitates an understanding of the circulation system, but also suggests the importance of the destination. The design of a path can also tell the user whether the destination is private or public (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The door might be the ultimate sign for an entrance, but it may not be visible from a distance and some entrances, such as gates, don’t even have doors. The legibility of an entrance depends on the angle of approach. They can be approached in a frontal, oblique or indirect way (fi g 20). One common way to heighten the legibility of an entrance from an oblique approach, is to project or recess it in relation to the facade (fi g 21). Marquees, porticos and colonnades have a similar impact. If an entrance itself is not visually accessible, the landscaping and arrangements of paths has to provide strong cues. The form of the building volumes and facades may also indicate the location of the entrances (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Although an exit is the same architectural element as an entrance, it is certainly not seen in the same way by the users. The perception of the exit is often limited to the actual doors, and most of the time they are seen at a very short range. In cases when the users are expected to enter and exit the setting at different points, such as shopping malls or public transport centres, the exits should be emphasised to be easily detectable. Exits are often limited by height and visual access, however distinctiveness is more important than size regarding legibility. The limitation in size can easily be compensated for by making use of the outside light as an exit cue (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Stairs, escalators and elevators should be directly perceived upon entering a setting, since the vertical circulation is a must for changing levels. The vertical communication can be a strong architectural feature and there is no reason why it should be necessary to install signs leading to them. In fact, the vertical circulation could be used both as a reference point and a landmark if its architecture is distinctive. Even small vertical accesses can be communicated effi ciently though. While space may be limited, design is not (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Communicating the circulation system is probably the most diffi cult aspect of architectural wayfi nding design, but it is also the most useful. Both the form and the volume of a building can communicate the cir- culation system. Proper articulation of the circulation system combined with the expression of destination zones will create distinctiveness and thereby giving landmark quality to these architectural elements (Arthur & Passini, 2002). “Fewer signs makes for better signage” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 132). Graphic information can reinforce and describe the circulation in more detail, but it can rarely effectively replace missing or misplaced architectural informa- tion. Graphic information can be classifi ed as typo- graphics, hand- computer- and photographics, picto- graphics and cartographics. Typographics are written messages, pictographics are symbols and cartograph- ics are maps. Marks and lines on walls or ceiling, signal lights and colour coding are other means of providing visual information (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Wayfi nding signs have three functions: orientation signs providing information such as building direc- tories and hours of service, directional signs with or without arrows, and identifi cation signs in verbal or non-verbal form. The construction of signs can be categorised as self-supporting signs, wall mounted signs and suspended signs. In addition the signs may be single or double faced, internally or externally 22Theoretical framework Figure 17 Grid networks (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Figure 18 Hierarchical networks (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Figure 19 Elements of a path (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Graphic information illuminated, static or dynamic (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Signs are provided to aid wayfi nding, however they are actually the cause of many problems which people encounter when navigating through an unfamiliar setting. The message might be ambiguous or com- municate confl icting information. Another problem can be either too little or too much information, which both leads to confusion. The sign might not be perceived completely due to glare or obstructions, or the message might be illegible because the letters are too small. Inaccurate or unreliable information is also a cause of wayfi nding problems (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Many users have impairments in respect to per- ception, cognition and mobility which affect their wayfi nding abilities. Some of these impairments are permanent and some are temporary. Visual impairment and blindness are the most obvious and most severe perceptual impairments affecting wayfi nding. Blind travellers have to rely on auditory and tactile cues, and only in rare circumstances can they use olfactory or heat perception. The senses com- pensating for sight are generally less informative, less reliable and less effi cient (Arthur & Passini, 2002). People who cannot rely on sight have two ways of using hearing to perceive cues of the environment: perceiving an original sound source or perceiv- ing sound produced by the person and refl ected by objects, i.e. cane tapping. Being the prime mode of perception for the blind, auditory perception has to be optimised as much as possible, and background noise has to be controlled. Blind people entering a transpor- tation centre often fi nd it diffi cult to extract any useful information due to the background noise that is so common in these places. Background noise as well as the strong air currents which are often encountered at entrances, have a generally disorienting effect to blind people, and make walking in a straight line even more diffi cult (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Tactile maps have been shown useful to blind travel- lers, but just like reading braille, the reading of tactile maps has to be learned. Because buildings frequently have large open spaces, which may or may not be fi lled with potential hazards for the sightless, it is important to introduce trails or shorelines (fi g 22) into the fl oor surfaces that will lead a blind person to the main des- tinations (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Tactile markings should also be used on for example platform edges and at the beginning of a stair. By giving the trails or markings a contrasting colour, they may be used not only by the blind but also by the visually impaired. For people who are not blind but have impaired vision, such as low acuity, blurred vision, partial vision loss or night blindness, certain design criteria can facilitate the perception of relevant wayfi nding infor- mation. Among the most important are: the use of strong colour and brightness contrasts in signage, the avoidance of contrasts as well as glare in the general level of illumination, visual and tactile defi nitions of main circulation routes and the pairing of visual with non-visual sensory information. These criteria will also benefi t the population at large and the elderly in particular (Arthur & Passini, 2002). When using colours, it should be kept in mind that 9% of males and 2% of females are colour blind, particularly with respect to red and green. Up to 50% of elderly people also have diffi culties distinguishing various hues of dark or light colours (Arthur & Passini, 2002). 23Theoretical framework Impaired orientation capability Figure 20 Frontal, oblique and indirect approaches to entrances (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Figure 21 Flush, projected and recessed entrances (adapted from Arthur & Passini, 2002) Visual impairment The adequate light level for vision increase with age and reduced eyesight. Optometrists say that a 50-year- old need almost twice as much light to see clearly as does a 20-year-old. People who are 70 or older need four times as much light (Arthur & Passini, 2002). A deaf person has to rely on written messages, sign language or lip-reading in order to communicate. When obtaining information from a non-deaf person, for example when asking for directions, lip reading would seem the most used. This can be made diffi cult by insuffi cient lighting in the setting. Some of the deaf have diffi culties understanding abstractions and words describing concepts, both spoken and written. Their vocabulary tends to be more action oriented (Arthur & Passini, 2002), which should be taken into considera- tion when designing signage for public settings. Screening, i.e. separating background noise from the desired message, when using a hearing aid is particu- larly troublesome, why we should be concerned about the soundscape of our built environment (Arthur & Passini, 2002). In regular conversations between unimpaired people, about a third of the information is communicated through the sight of the lip movements or general body language. Information given through loud speakers therefore require extra effort by the receiver, and the hearing impaired notice this most signifi cantly (Ljunggren et al., 1997). Deaf people who cannot rely on sound signals, tend to be excessively fearful of accidents, when for example crossing a busy road. To make things worse, almost all evacuation warning systems are based on sound signals. “Safety is probably one of the major concerns of deaf and hearing-impaired people” (Arthur & Passini, 2002, p 36). Cognitive impairments range from temporary confusion due to information overload or stress, to more or less severe incapacities due to disease, accidents, age or mental retardation. Cognitive impair- ment can affect linguistic abilities independently from spatial abilities (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Persons who, by reason of their psychological state, may experience diffi culties in processing environ- mental information and making appropriate wayfi nd- ing decisions besides those directly related to vision, hearing or literacy, are included in the category situ- ational cognitive impairment. Everybody can be said to be situationally impaired at one time or another. Anger, confusion and fear all make us more likely to be distracted or distressed. The possible situational impairment as a result of stress is of particular im- portance, since it might be experienced when facing danger or having to evacuate a setting during an emergency (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Another category is developmental cognitive impair- ment, where development refers to the whole life span. This impairment may affect the learning abilities of young children or result in the loss of cognitive abilities in elderly. Learning disabilities include condi- tions like dyslexia, dysgraphia and dementia caused by Alzheimer’s disease among others (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Some brain lesions result in defi ciencies leading to conditions of disorientation, which means the inca- pability of even the most elementary understanding of where you are or how to reach given destinations. These conditions are called spatial amnesia and spatial agnosia. The key manifestation of spatial agnosia is an inability to recognise spaces visited on previous occasions, while spatial amnesia leads to an inability to link spaces mentally into an overall representation. 24Theoretical framework Hearing impairment Cognitive impairment Figure 22 Tactile guide paths at Berlin Hauptbahnhof 25 Illiteracy Theoretical framework Illiteracy in the strict sense means the inability to read or write simple sentences in any language. Being functionally illiterate however, includes everyone who cannot read and write suffi ciently well to fi ll a job application; many more than one would think. Expanding the meaning of functional illiteracy to include an inability to read a written message in a any language, we are all illiterate when visiting a foreign country. In this sense children of preschool age are also considered illiterate (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The obvious alternative to written messages are symbols and pictographs. They are particularly useful for international visitors in settings such as airports and public transport centres, provided their content is limited to very simple concepts such as toilets, tickets or baggage claims. Pictorial language has to be based on a set of recognised elements which implies a certain level of standardisation. They are also limited by what can be described or identifi ed in a pictograph, and the number of different pictographs used in a sign (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Architectural language becomes one of the major means of communication for the illiterate wayfi nder. Anyone who has been in a foreign country that uses a different alphabet, was probably made painfully aware of what it means not being able to rely on written messages (Arthur & Passini, 2002). For people in wheelchairs, wayfi nding is made much more diffi cult if they are not able to use the main entrance. The detour requires far more wayfi nding decisions, and each decision requires a mental effort and involves the risk of making a mistake. In addition, the wayfi nding information required by wheelchair users are often missing. Accessing information from the height of a wheelchair is diffi cult, especially from horizontal displays or due to refl ections and glare which are often accentuated from a wheelchair per- spective. The major problem facing wheelchair users however, are physical architectural barriers such as stairs, steep ramps, and heavy doors (Arthur & Passini, 2002). The largest number of mobility impaired people are those who can actually walk, however with diffi culty. This group includes people on crutches or walkers, obese and elderly, as well as people carrying luggage or pushing trolleys (Hultgren, 2002). The common problem for the mobility impaired, which also applies to children, is that their cones of vision is restricted or lowered. This might be due to their eye level being lower or the need to look down instead of straight forward when for example using crutches. Signs that are located to high above the fl oor are generally diffi cult for the mobility impaired to perceive (Arthur & Passini, 2002). Mobility impairment The effect of spatial amnesia on people’s ability to get around is dramatic. At the beginning, amnesic patients are totally incapacitated even if they fi nd themselves in previously familiar environments, but after a certain adaptation period they learn to fi nd their way by substituting verbal for the missing spatial information (Arthur & Passini, 2002). “Det kan ibland vara en svårtolkad och kaotisk arkitektur man möter på stationerna” (Linde Bjur & Engström, 2010). In order to better understand why public transport centres are organised as they are, a summary of their development up until now as well as some future ten- dencies are described below. During the industrialism, trains quickly became a popular means of transport thanks to its’ speed, avail- ability and comfort. When the railroad became an important organic part of the city structure and trans- portation system, a new type of public building was born; the railway station. The earliest train stations were however not purpose-built. The fi rst purpose stations, Manchester Liverpool Road and Liverpool Crown Street Station, opened in 1830 and both were two-storey classical-style town houses. Around the middle of the 1800s, the railroad companies started to invest in the station buildings and the construction took off. Gare Saint-Lazare in Paris was built in 1837 and London Bridge in 1838. In Sweden Gothenburg Central was built in 1858 and Stockholm Central opened in 1871 (Bakerson, 2009). Most stations in Sweden built during the late 1800’s and early 1900’s were drawn by Folke Zettervall or Adolf Edelsvärd and many of them are a-listed buildings today (Hultgren, 2002). For 40 years, starting in 1855, Adolf Edelsvärd was the responsible architect for the state railways, and during this time over 5700 railway buildings were erected from Malmö in the South to Boden in the North (Linde Bjur & Engström, 2010). The fi rst railway stations in the larger cities were termini at the end of the railroad, since it became too expensive to enter the already developed city structure. Eventually the number of travellers started to increase, and to attract even more passengers, small stations were being constructed beside the existing tracks and with time the societies around these new stations grew and cities started to form. Behind the majority of the station projects were both an architect and an engineer, for example St Pancras which was drawn by the architect G. G. Scott in cooperation with the constructor William Barlow. The station building was architecture, while the station halls with their large spans were technology (Bakerson, 2009). Railway stations have, since the advent of the railroad, had a representative role in the city. It has been the face of the city towards the visitors. This is probably one of the reasons why railroad companies and local authorities have invested in respectable and even grandiose station buildings. The development of engi- neering during the 1800s and new building materials like steel and reinforced concrete made it possible to increase the bearing lengths. Gigantic buildings of steel and glass were created, and the railway stations became symbols of modernity, such as Gare du Nord in Paris (Bakerson, 2009). During the middle of the 1900s, when the car industry was fl ourishing, the construction of roads took off in most western European countries. People had become richer and getting a car had become easier. After the car came the plane, and fl ying became a quick, com- fortable and popular way of travelling and a hard competitor to railway transportation. Large groups of people stopped travelling by train, and in just a couple of decades railway transportation lost its’ importance as an effi cient means of transportation. The result of the massive decline in passengers during the end of the 60s and the beginning of the 70s, was reduced train traffi c, closures or changes of function of station buildings and reduced investments. The maintenance works were drastically reduced and the quality of the service and the carriages deteriorated, and as a con- sequence the numbers of passengers decreased even more (Bakerson, 2009). The railroad companies had to rethink and approach the problem from different angles, to try to attract pas- sengers again. New service methods were developed and the travel standard improved. The most important motive for this intervention was probably the growing awareness of global warming and climate change. Environmental issues became more and more important, and all analyses and studies signalled the railroad as a future and sustainable means of transport. At the same time the consequences of the motor traffi c was pointed out as one of the main sources of environmental pollution (Bakerson, 2009). 3.4 Public transport centres 26 Short history Theoretical framework Figure 23 The bus terminal at Jönköping Central station 27 Tendencies Theoretical framework The fi rst steps started by adapting the time table of the regional and long-distance trains to the schedule of the local public transport, which led to a series of reconstructions within the station area. Many stations were remodelled and some of them had fundamental reconstructions to adapt them for the modern times and the new trains. When the cooperation between trains and local transport was improved, many trav- ellers returned and eventually in the 80s, people started to travel by train again. Within the station buildings and adjacent areas, the organisation of the movement patterns and connections between the terminal, platforms, restaurants, cafés and shops were improved. The majority of the stations in larger cities were turned into effi cient communication nodes where trains, public transport, taxis and cars coexisted. The station areas became trade- and meeting places for residents and visitors (Bakerson, 2009). In most European countries it has been possible since the mid 80’s to purchase tickets outside of the station area, and in Sweden nowadays many travellers use e-tickets or mobile ticketing. The phenomena created a new category of passengers who could go straight to the platform without using the different functions in the station building. This possibility lead to major changes of the structure, functions, and movement patterns of the station buildings. The new type of passenger required a time saving strategy; to reach the platform as fast as possible (Bakerson, 2009). From the mid 80’s, railway stations in large cities became available 24/7, which led to people visiting the station for other purposes than travelling. Over time the range of services increased, which in turn led to a growing number of visitors to the area. During the decades, railway stations have developed into com- mercial centres, at the same time as the station areas have become a work place for a large number of people (Bakerson, 2009). Investment in a station