REINVENTING NAVET -coexisting in leftover space Isa Håkansson Department of Architecture and Civil Engineering ”Up here in the cold north layed Sundsvall town inside of a sea bay, looking new and happy and radiant. There was something particularly funny about it, when seen from above, because in the middle stood a group of stone houses, so mag- nificent, you could hardly find anything like it in Stockholm. Around the houses there was empty space, and then a wreath of wooden houses, that layed nice and happy in little gardens, but which seemed to know, that they were inferior to the stone houses , and did not dare to come close to them.” extract from The wonderful adventures of Nils (Nils Holgerssons Underbara resa genom Sverige) by Selma Lagerlöf, 1906-1907 To a large extent, this description is still very accurate. Europe’s northernmost late 1800’s stone town is still today very much a funny group of magnificent houses- somewhat disconnected with its’ surrounding built form. -Investigating how the transformation of a central plot in Sundsvall facilitate coexistance Reinventing Navet Master thesis 2018 Chalmers School of Architecture Department of Architecture and Civil Engineering Supervisor: Nils Björling Examiner: Joaquim Tarrasó Architecture and Urban Design, MPARC Sweden and the Nordic countries have experienced industrial restructuring, transform- ing from towns dependent exclusively on manufacturing into places with a more diverse industrial platform, more focused on technology and information. This has created a shift towards a “cultural and experience economy“ where cities hire PR-firms to deal with their “brand“. This often becomes problematic when place promotion appropri- ates only certain cultural and social aspects, playing down or hiding problematic ones, dealing more with “attractors“ in the city center than with actual urban life. This thesis wants to explore tre transformation of a central plot in Sundsvall, popularly called “Navet“ (=hub). The plot currently houses the city´s bus station, but on immi- nent move of the station will render the plot without it´s current main function. The plot also houses Sundsvall´s library and culture house, and is connected to the city´s harbor area. A river runs past the plot to the north, and the built structure here consist of remnants of a group of warehouses for storing food built in the 1800´s. All these layers add to the image of Navet being a vital spot for Sundsvall´s life throughout the city´s existence. The “Navet“ area is the center for drug-trade in Sundsvall and its´neighbouring towns, and therefore attracts people in social destitution. Because of this, Navet is perceived as dangerous by some of Sundsvall´s inhabitants. Local politicians and media often adress the issues at Navet, and the questions posed often revolve around how the perceived disturbing dwellers at Navet can be moved from the area. Rarely is a suggestion made for how to deal with the underlying social issues causing the situation. This thesis starts from the assumption that dwellers should not be forced away, but rather wants to create a space where different groups in the city can co-exist. This thesis works with the social, spatial and historical layers of Sundsvall in order to understand Navet. These investigations end up in strategies of how to deal with the plot, and the thesis is concluded in a design proposal that incorporates these strategies. The question becomes: What interventions can be made at Navet that respond to its social, historical and spatial context? abstract content 1. Introduction 1. past & present national/ regional scale local scale-functions Infrastructure-Sundsvall is changing journeys green layers of time space delimitation building scale Summary strategies 3. social identity broader context learning from social connections summary social layer Summary social strategies 3. design proposal 2. Theoretical framework subject objectives method intergroup contact theory crime and place layers 7 8 9-10 12-13 14-15 19-38 37-38 57-65 39-56 56 66-67 This chapter contains the subject of research, it´s objective, delimitations and the method used. introduction subject A lot of places in Sweden and the nordic countries have experienced industrial res- tructuring, transformning from towns dependent exclusively on manufacturing into being places with a more diverse industrial platform. (Nyseth & Viken, 2009,17) An explanation for this might be that advances in technology have made industries more effective and in less demand of workers. The information sector has grown, as well as the technology sector, creating a shift towards a ”cultural and experience economy ” (18). In this economy, cultural values are often added to products. Symbols become increasingly important, eve- rything becomes something that is supposed to be sold on a global market- even towns. In this economical shift, places have to compete with each other on a global market, ”represent themselves as interesting and entertaining, not only places where you can live a good life” (15). Cities hire PR-firms to deal with their ”brand”. But this often becomes problematic, when place promotion appropriates only certain cultural and social parts of the identity of a place, playing down problematic aspects of a development. This also be- comes a problem in the field of architecture when we start dealing more with ”attractors” in the city center than with actual urban life. Umeå was named European capital of culture in 2014. The organisers had culture driven growth as a clearly stated goal when applying for the title.”Umeås effort towards being named Capital of Culture are made through the conviction that culture driven growth is an important motor for development and success in creating an attractive region” (Umeå 2014, 2014). While the goal was to build on Umeås already strong culture scene, some culture workers have protested against the arrangement saying that it in the end showed little consideration to the grassroot movement that was a big reason the city was appointed in the first place. It seems more effort should have been made in dealing with the cultural context of Umeå. In the case of Sundsvall, a the marketing of the city revolves around ”Stenstaden” ( stone city), Sundsvall´s inner city, built in the late 17th century. The city has fared unusually well during the 60´s and 70´s when a lot of swedish cities were rebuilt, but what is left of 17th century city today is mostly ornamented facades. Few interiors have been kept, and the original grid of the city and connections to the outskirts have been cut off by large roads around the center. With this in mind, this thesis wants to explore how to deal with Navet´s and Sundsvall´s historical remnants, what aspects have actual meaning to the urban life, and what aspects don´t? In the book ”Space is the machine”, Bill Hillier talks about problematic ways in which cont- emporary planners and Urban designers view the city of today, about how there is a scale gap. Planners deal foremost with the regional scale, then in part with what he calls ”the func- tional city” the city and its’ outlying buildings, and then ” (...)barely gets to the urban area in which we live”. Urban Design, he states, ” (...)begins with a group of buildings, gets to the urban area, but hesitates at the whole city for fear of repeating the errors of the past” (111). We talk a lot about the ”urban qualities”, the life that will happen in our projects, but a lot of the times, we are not sure of how and if we will actually achieve this. Hillier goes on to state that ”Places are not local things. They are moments in large-scale things, the large-scale things we call cities. Places do not make cities. It is cities that make places.” (112). According to Hillier, what primarily shapes cities is the relationship between movement and the structure of the urban grid (the paths of the city). Cities are thought of as ”movement economies”, gathering people and resources and connecting them (114). Similarly, Christopher Alexander talks about the individual patterns ( simply put, parts of the built world sorted after scale and connection to other parts) in his ”pattern language” (1977) as having to be connected to each other, saying that ”(...)no pattern is an isolated entity, Each pattern can exist in the world, only to the extent that is supported by other patterns...) ” (13) he goes on stating that ”(...) when you build a thing you cannot merely build that thing in isolation, but must also repair the world around it, and within it, so that the larger world at that one place becomes more coherent, and more whole; and the thing which you make takes its place in the web of nature, as you make it” 7 By dealing with “Bussnavet” a place that is in transition, a place that has had a very specific function, in- dustrial and infrastructural, this thesis aims to adress current issues such as place branding, gentrification, who has access to public space, identity of place. The Urban challenges adressed in this thesis are: - A city and plot that is affected by a changed economy from industrial to knowledge based- left without its´main function and forming a back side of the city. - A view on cultural heritage that is narrow and focused on symbols rather than meaning - Social issues hidden, rather than aknowledged and dealt with objectives 8 8 The work is conducted through thorough site analysis, trying to make sense of the site with help of analysis in different layers; PAST AND PRESENT CONTEXT SOCIAL LAYER DESIGN PROJECT Each layer makes up its´own chapter. Lessons from each layer is summarized at the end of the chapter, and design strategies relating to these are put forth. These strategies are then implemented in a finishing design proposal. method 9 DESIGN PROJECT Each layer is concluded in design strategies that respond to the Urban challenges in three scales: Local, Urban and building scales. These strategies are then implemented in a design project SOCIAL LAYER Investigation of the social situation and the perceptions of the social situation at Navet is conducted through looking at was is written in local media about Navet, as well as looking at surveys on inhabitants´sense of safety. The work also builds upon a study made by the Social Services in Sundsvall, ”Kartläggning över missbruksstuationen i Sunds- vall”(Sundsvalls kommun, 2017). The study names actors that are connected to the social situation at Navet. Some of these actors have been interviewed about Navet´s current situation as well as about what needs to be done at Navet. The Criminology programme at Mid Sweden University are conducting a large scale study of Navet. The studies include observational studies, media studies, studies of crime statistics and criminality hotspots. An interview has been conducted with Teresa Silva, associated professor in Criminology about the re- sults of these surveys. PAST & PRESENT CONTEXT Involves mapping of current functions on site, as well as investi- gation of developments in the city that will affect the Navet-area and how to relate to them. With help from Sundsvall´s museum and old city plans from the municipal archives, a mapping of the site´s historical context has been conducted. 10 10 theoretical framework There is a stigma around issues of narcotics- and alcohol abuse, and many people are prejudiced against and scared of people in social destitution (see Identity & Sense of safety, p. 44-45). Perhaps dealing with how to diminish prejudice is a productive perspective to use in the case of Navet. First proposed by Gordon Allport in 1954 in his publication ”The nature of prejudice”, intergroup contact theory proposes that prejudice against members in groups different from the group in which you yourself belong (in-group in rela- tion to out-group) can be diminished through contact with members from those groups. Allport defines prejudice a result of: ”an avertive or hostile attitude toward a person who belongs to a group, simply because he belongs to that group, and is therefore presumed to have the objectionable qualities ascribed to that group” (7). The basic logic for the Contact Hypothesis is that prejudice can be reduced as one learns more about a particular category of people to contact with that group (Schiappa, Greg and Hewes, 2008, 5). According to Allport, in order for prejudice to go away, contact should be carried out during four key conditions: equal status, intergroup cooperation, common goals, and support by social and institutional authorities. EQUAL STATUS: casual contact between different societal groups within systems that are segregated could make prejudice worse. (Allport (1954), 263). Allport sites several studies indicating that people of different ethnic groups in america have less prejudice against each other if they have had contact while hol- ding a job of the same status. The ones that only met the other group while they had higher status had less favourable attitudes. (274) intergroup contact theory However, these conditions can be hard to fullfill all at once, and in a review of studies done on the subject, Pettigrew and Tropp (2006) claim that while studies using Allports conditions showed especially strong correlations between contact and diminshed prejudi- ce, unstructured contact did as well (766). In their analysis of 515 studies on the subject, findings suggest that the criteria ”support by social and institutional authorities” is the most important condition. They also state that recent findings show that reducing feelings of threat and anxiety in connection to intergroup contact is an important means of ensuring that it will reduce prejudice (767). In the case of Navet, it seems as if initiatives such as prohibiting certain individuals from setting foot there (Hellsén, 2017, 28 February) rather decreases the status and increases the alienation that many Navet-dwellers feel. SUPPORT BY SOCIAL AND INSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITIES: It is not sufficient to work on a personal or even group basis. To highten the status of a low status group, sometimes legislation or other mesures taken by authorities need to be taken, such as laws forbidding discrimination in the workplace, or authorities putting official effort at dealing with a specific conflict or cause. Allport states that legislation does not aim at controling prejudice, but rather has the means of limiting its´open expression, discrimination (470). INTERGROUP COOPERATION & PURSUIT OF COMMON GOALS: In Allports mind, mere contact or acquaintance with a member of your out-group where you have equal status might make your prejudice regarding that particular situation go away, but not prompt you to generalize the experience. Allport cites studies done on americans in military service and claims that soldiers that served with a member of an out-group hade less prejudice againt the general out-group (277). 12 12 intergroup contact theory Indirect contact can be an important step towards reduced prejudice- making the group subjected to prejudice and functions connected to them more visible on site can help in changing the perception of them. LESSON LEARNED How close does the contact need to be? In a study made by Schiappa, Greg and Hewes in 2008, Can One TV Show Make a Difference?a Will & Grace and the Parasocial Contact Hypothesis 245 undergraduate students at a large midwestern state university participated in a study where they were asked questions about their relationship with the TV-series Will and Grace, a series where two out of four main characters are gay men. The researchers´ hy- pothesis was that the more the participants watched the show, as well as the more they engaged with the characters ( for example agreed to statements like; “I would like to get to know a person like”...”, ”...“ is like a real person to me”), the lower their level of prejudice against gay men would be. The assumption proved to be right, and the researchers also found that for participants with many gay friends, there were no significant relationship between levels of prejudice and their exposure to the show. These results suggest that where there is a lack of opportunity for social in- teraction, watching and engaging with intergroup contact from afar also functions in lowering levels of prejudice. In order for social interaction between different social groups to happen on a more equal level- it is important that authorities are present on site- both for lowering the sense of threat that people might feel from the other group, as well as establishing a clear support from social and institutional authorities. 13 WHY IS NAVET A HOTSPOT FOR CRIME? In general, areas with high accessibility have higher crime rates. Places that attract large num- bers of people will also attract more crime (Eck & Weisburd ,11-12). The research review also claims that obvious lack of guradianship, especially linked to place management is a factor in what places are especially often subjected to crime (meaning a lack of people present with responsibility of the environment and the upkeep of it) (16). crime and place The publication “Crime places in crime theory“ (Eck & Weisburd, 2015) reviews recent research conducted on the role of place in crime and crime control. The authors claim that a series of academic studies have shown that crime is concentrated at specific places even within neighbourhoods that have high crime rates, yet research has mostly revolved around studying regions, states, cities, communities and neighborhoods (2). The review brings forth three theoretical perspectives—rational choice, routine activity theory and crime pattern theory and claims that these three are important influencors in realizing the importance of place on crime. The perspectives are sometimes used separately, sometimes in combination and are often influencing each other. RATIONAL CHOICE: This perspective provides the basic argument for saying that place is important in understanding crime. The perspective suggests that offenders search for targets and define means to achieve what they want through rational choice (5). ROUTINE ACTIVITY: Aims at explaining crime events as mixes of four circumstances. First, there has to be a motivated offender. Second, a desirable target. Third, the offender and target have to be at the same place at the same time. Fourth, intimate handlers (people with direct personal influence over the offender, such as a teacher or a parent), guardians (people that can protect the wictim, could be police, security guards or a friend) and place managers (people who take care of the place where the crime is committed, such as lifeguards or jani- tors) have to be absent or ineffective in the situation. The routine activity theorist sees places as problematic because of the types of people present and absent from the location (7). CRIME PATTERN THEORY: According to this theory, criminals become aware of criminal opportunities while they conduct normal, everyday activities. Most offenders will therefore commit crimes in areas that they are familiar with (6). In the view of a crime pattern theorist, places are problematic because of their location and relationship to the environment. Criminals commit crimes in areas that are close to their daily routines, and that they are familiar with. With this in mind, working with interventions at Navet will not make the offenders move to a dramatically different place. Navet is a hotspot for crime since it is located centrally in town, close to public transport and major throughfares. This will not change with the move of the bus station. It is also a hotspot because of it´s lack of guardianship and maintainance- this is something that an intervention at Navet can work with. LESSON LEARNED 14 14 WHAT WILL HAPPEN WHEN THE BUS STATION IS MOVED? This thesis wants to work with crime prevention and outreach to people in social des- titution and drug abuse on site at Navet. However, it then seems important dealing the question of displacement and diffusion of for example drug trade at Navet. Will work conducted at Navet result in that the preceived problems move away from the site, and pop up somewhere else, rendering the facilities targeting these problems useless at Navet? Athough the bus station will move from Navet, it will still be located just a block up from its´current location. With the previous section´s lesssons in mind, the place will still be very accessible, and attract a lot of people. This means that the area and its´sur- roundings will still contain drug trade and some crime connected to that. CRIME DISPLACEMENT OR DIFFUSION OF BENEFITS? When improving Navet´s amount of guardianship and place management, will crime move to another place, better suited for criminal activity, a phenomena refered to as “crime displacement“? The review doesn´t completely reject the idea of displacement, but states that in general there is an “abscence of consistent findings of large displace- ment effects” (20). Instead, the review points to a number of recent studies that suggest a completely opposite effect, going so far as to saying that benefits from place- specific interventions may be greater than what has been assumed. Studies have shown that in stud- ies of interventions done in general “nuisance” as well as drug market analysis, crime went down both at the actual places studied, as well as in the two-block buffer zones surrounding them. If no effort is done at Navet at dealing with its´drug situation, simply moving the bus station from it´s current plot a block north will not lower the crime rate. Dealing with targeting people in social destituion, as well as maintaining the area better will have a better chance at reducing crime at Navet, as well as at places around Navet. Place specific interventions targeting crime can both reduce crime at the place, as well as crime around the place. When targeting Sundsvall´s drug problem, it seems important to work where the problem is. LESSON LEARNED 15 layers This chapter paints a picture of Navet through looking at it´s layers. Starting with its´ present situation and relationships, moving on to its´ past, and eventually to its´current social layer. 1618 1618 past & present 19 In the 1300s, Sundsvall found itself at an advantageous location right in the crossing of the pilgrims’ path going west to Nidaros (Trondheim) and the ”Northern trail” (trade route covering the coast of Norrland). Today those paths are represented by the E4 in the north- south direction (Sundsvall is located in the middle of it’s starting points), and the E14 in the east-west (ending just as in the 1300s in Trondheim) (Tjärnlund, N. 2009). In the 1800s, it’s location where the water routes used for transporting timber logs from the forests of Jämtland, Medelpad and Hälsingland (Ljungan and Indalsälven) met the baltic sea made Sundsvall a thriving center for the saw mill and timber industry. In 1869, export of wood products had 42% of Sweden’s total export. At this time, Sundsvall was important not only in the northern region, but for the economy of the whole country (Byström, 1978, 5). Historically, Sundsvall has had a prominent position among the northern cities. However, the town has not held up as good in the new knowledge and culture based economy. In 1992 Umeå sped past the city in number of inhabitants (Staden, 2014) and in 2013 Gävle did as well, causing the headline ”Jävla Gävle” (Damned Gävle) in the local press (Staden, 2014). Sundsvall has a growing population, 1,5 percent per year, however, the median annual growth of Swedish municipalities is 3,8 percent (ekonomifakta, 2017). TIMRÅ KOMMUN HÄRNÖSANDS KOMMUN NORDANSTIGS KOMMUN SOLLEFTEÅ KRAMFORS ÅNGE BRÄCKE RAGUNDA SUNDSVALL MUNICIPALITY SUNDSVALL HAPARANDA/TORNIO HELSINGBORG TRONDHEIM/NIDAROS E4 E14 PILGRIMSLED TILL NIDAROS NORDSTIGEN TILL TÅRNEÅ NO RR LA ND JÄMTLAND COUNTY HÄLSNINGLAND COUNTY MEDELPAD COUNTY ÅNGERMANLAND COUNTY VÄSTERNORRLAND REGION Indalsälven Ljungan VASA STORBRITANNIEN SUNDSVALL NATIONAL AVERAGE population 34 897 98 810 3.8 % annual growth 1.5 % annual growth Sundsvall is Sweden´s 19th biggest municipality (Ekonomifakta, 2017) National & regional scale 20 STORGATAN (MAIN STREET) FOOTBALL STADIUMGLASS MACHINE FACTORY MID SWEDEN UNIVERSITYSCA RESEARCH CENTER GUSTAV ADOLF´S CHURCH MUSEUM & LIBRARY BUS STATION PARKING GARAGE SCA HEADQUARTERS TRAIN STATION SUNDSVALL´S THEATRE SKATE PARK FOLKETS HUS / CINEMA 20 There has been attempts to retrieve old glory. In 2007 Sundsvall municipality in collaboration with an advertising agency tried to market the city as the ”Capital of Norrland”, something that did seems to have been merely sneezed at by Umeå, the most populous city of Norrland. In an interview in April 2016, the president’ of Sundsvall’s municipal executive board Peder Björk said that ”the concept has become an obstacle”, and that Sundsvall will no longer use it (Vikström, 2016, 22 april). Even though the population growth has not been as big as its’ competitors’, and there can be no claim made to the title ”capital of Norrland”, Sundsvall could be connsidered industrial capital of Norrland. SCA Graphic (part of the bigger company SCA, Svenska Cellulosa Aktiebola- get), is the biggest employer in the city (ekonomifakta, 2017), employing about 725. Among other large industries situated here is aluminium company KUBAL, and producer of equipment for wood product manufacturing Valmet. In recent years the IT-sector has grown. The labour market of the IT sektor has a comparatively big share of the total labour market in Sundsvall. Only Stockholm and Lund have IT-sectors that hold bigger shares of the workforce in their cities (Israelsson, 2017, 10 april). The fact that Sundsvall is and has been more dependent on the industrial economy than a knowledge- and culture based economy might be the reason why Sundsvall´s population has a lower amount of highly educated citizens. 23,8 percent of the population between 25 and 65 years old have studied 3 years after high school, as opposed to 27 percent in all the country. In Umeå, 38,6 percent of the population have studied more than 3 years (ekonomifakta, 2017). SCA SCA (Svenska Cellulosa Aktiebolaget) is a company in the forest-, wood-, wood pulp- and renewable energy business. The company was formed in 1929 through a merger of about ten swedish foresting companies. SCA is Sweden´s largest private forest owner, and has its´head quarters in central Sundsvall (SCA, 2018), just across the river from Navet. A lot of its´activity is centered in and around Sundsvall municipality and the Västernorrland region, some of these activities , such as Ortviken paper factory or Östrand wood pulp factory absolu- tey define the areas where they are situated. The pulp factory located in the neighbouring municipality to the north, Timrå, omitts smelly sulfuric compounds that can, on days with particularly unfortunate winds, affect parts of the city. Local scale -functions 21 NORRA KAJEN SÖDRA KAJEN TRAIN STATION BUS STATION PLANNED BUILT STRUCTURE EXISTING BUILDINGS CURRENT BUS STATION PLANNED BUS STATIONS OLD E4 NEW E4 Sundsvall is changing... 22 22 In the late 60´s, the E4´s passage through central Sundsvall was built. This broke the old train station´s contact with Sundsvall´s centre, and created a barrier between Sundsvall´s inner city and the harbor and waterfront. Due to problems with pollution of Sundsvall´s inner city, in 2014, a bridge was built that allows the E4 (Highway covering Helsingborg-Tornio) to bypass the inner city. This allows the old E4 that runs through the inner city, to be reconsieved. Trafikverket is working on transforming the old highway, road 562, to city street that “should in a good way tie together the old urban environment with the new urban development in the north and south harbour area (...) “(Trafikverket, 2017). The street should still work for redirect- ing the E4 when that is needed. In 2021 the street will pass into municipal ownership, and be worked on properly as a city street rather than a highway. The current plan lowers the number of lanes only between Storgatan and Köpmangatan. Road 562 through Sundsvall is used by 21 500 cars/ day. 4% of this is heavy traffic. The road has the highest class for carrying capacity, class 1. The municipality is working towards lowering that traffic to 13-14 000 cars / day, to ensure the safety of pedestrians and cyclists. Sundsvall is changing... SUNDSVALL HAPARANDA/TORNIO HELSINGBORG TRONDHEIM E4 E14 NO RR LA ND - - NYTT RESECENTRUM UNDER UTFORMNING FÖRSLAG PÅ BORTTAGANDE AV DEDIKERAD HÖGERSVÄNGSFIL RITAS AV TYRÉNS SKALA 1:2500 (A1) ILLUSTRATIONSPLAN VÄG 562 2016-11-11 - LEGEND FÖRKLARINGAR BEFINTLIGA BYGGNADER GRÖNYTA KÖRBANA CYKELBANA GÅNGVÄG TORG/GC-VÄG BEFINTLIGT TRÄD SOM BEHÅLLS TRÄD SOM PLANTERAS PLANERADE KVARTER PLANERADE STRÅK FÖR GÅNG/CYKEL BUSSFIL BUSSHÅLLPLATS Sundsvall’s municipality is developing its´ harbour areas into housing areas. The areas in the north harbour are being built, and the south harbour is under planning. These new areas will put more emphasis on the waterfront and the connection between these areas and the central city. Navet finds itself in an interesting position as the entrance to inner city from the north harbour, as well as in close connection to the waterfront and new activities there. SUNDSVALL HAPARANDA/TORNIO HELSINGBORG TRONDHEIM E4 E14 NO RR LA ND - - NYTT RESECENTRUM UNDER UTFORMNING FÖRSLAG PÅ BORTTAGANDE AV DEDIKERAD HÖGERSVÄNGSFIL RITAS AV TYRÉNS SKALA 1:2500 (A1) ILLUSTRATIONSPLAN VÄG 562 2016-11-11 - LEGEND FÖRKLARINGAR BEFINTLIGA BYGGNADER GRÖNYTA KÖRBANA CYKELBANA GÅNGVÄG TORG/GC-VÄG BEFINTLIGT TRÄD SOM BEHÅLLS TRÄD SOM PLANTERAS PLANERADE KVARTER PLANERADE STRÅK FÖR GÅNG/CYKEL BUSSFIL BUSSHÅLLPLATS e4 Northern and southern harbour Sundsvall’s municipality is dealing with developing a detail plan of the old bus station area and additional areas around it, together forming ”Norr stenstan”, but popularly ”Navet” (Sundsvalls kommun, 2018). The city´s masterplan states that ”The river mouth has potential to become a special place. Here space should be reserved for a public building that should be a window to the world around it as well as an addition to the city life” (Sundsvalls kommun, 2014). A phase of the development of Navet includes moving the current bus station, located at Navet, a block south. Local buses will depart from here, and regional buses will depart from a new sta- tion built just next to the current train station. Navet- current bus station 23 4 k m 50% of population (1: 20 00 0) 1.9 % of Su rfa ce SUNDSVALL MUNICIPALITY SUNDSVALL 23,8% National average 27% Umeå 38,6% SUNDSVALL 72 % National average 64,8 % In 2016, 71% of all travels in Sundsvall are conducted by car. 11% where made on foot and only 7% by bus and bicycle. Journeys shorter than 5 km within the central city are made by car for the most part (54%). 22% are made on foot, 15% by bike and only 6% by bus (5) (Sundsvalls kommun, 2017). Approximately half of all jour- neys in 2017 were shorter than 5 km. (Sundsvalls kommun, Resvanor i Sundsvall: Resultat från resvaneundersökning i Sundsvalls kommun 2016, 2017, 6), and even journeys as short as under 3 kilometers are mostly made by car (6). In the survey ”Bästa resan”, conducted in 2009, 72 % of all journeys were made by car, so car dependency seams fairly unchanged. This was ca 10 % more than the average mu- nicipality in the survey. Journeys made by bike make up 1% of all journeys. Umeå, which is a city of about the same size, has 15%. Roughly half of Sundsvall´s popula- tion live within a radius of 4 km from the center of town (Trafikverket, 2017). It seems Sundsvall´s car dependency is unnecessary. Sundsvall´s masterplan has a vision that car journeys should go down to 33% of all journeys conducted by 2030., so decreasing car journeys should be possible. A car dependant city.. Journeys by car Journeys by bike 24 24 25 Layers of green- local scale PLANNED GREEN AREA POSSIBLE GREEN AREAS PRESENT GREEN AREAS PAST GREEN AREAS Navet is located in the north part of Sundsvall´s inner city, popularly called ”Stenstaden” (stone city). ”Navet” means hub, in this case refering to the plot´s role as a hub for the city´s bus traffic. However, in the minds of Sundsvall´s inhabitants, ”Navet” refers to the whole northern edge of the inner city, containing both bus station, Kulturmagasinet (the city´s culture house) as well as a huge parking lots and a parking garage. It is also very much connected to social problems in the city. People in Sundsvall that have no other place to go come here, and it is the center for the city´s drug trade. The buildings on site are old warehouses, first built in the 1600s, and rebuilt after a fire at the end of the 17th century. they are very much monuments over a time when Sundsvall was an important center in the region. Sundsvall´s municipality is currently working with planning the area, and in that work, the area is called ”Norr Stenstan”. The city seems to want to add mostly housing to the area. Site-Navet 26 26 The bus station is situated at the edge of the inner city, geographically very close to the city center. However, it is very much the end of the central city. The road network is quite dense in the center, however, after the bus station, it is broken up, and the city is cut off from its’ northern parts first by the river and then by a wide road north of the city as well as to the east. Big structures such as parking garages and company headquarters dominate the city on the north side of the river, and the topography is quite steep, making it hard to connect streets to the grid. In the south, the train tracks are a big barrier. Filling the gap in this area- and work with how it´s connecting roads to the north side might make the perceived barrier between the north side and the south side seem smaller. Road 562 is a barrier towards he waterfront. Navet area- spatial character Deal with connecting Navet to the new development on the north side of the city. Deal with how Navet is connected to the waterfront. LESSON: 27 Navet 2019 Navet 1890 Navet future Layers of time- building scale 30 Navet future 30 A lot of the space around Navet was left empty during long periods of time. In the seventies, an idea of converting the old warehouses to a library and museum was put forth (Broström et. al. 1994). In 1986 ”Kulturmagasinet” was opened. Parts of Magasinsgatan and Nybro- gatan were covered with a glass roof covering exhibitions at the museum and parts of the library. This part of the warehouse area still today contains a culture house, library and a museum. One of the old warehouses was left out of the glazing, and is now used for waiting hall and storage for goods transported by bus. Kulturmagasinet (see bussnavet historical scale) is located very close in distance to the bus station. However, its’ entrance is located by Sjögatan. The block that is now Kulturmagasinet used to be open, creating more connections from the warehouses in to the city. Kulturmagasinet’s motto is to be ”(...) a living room for the people in Sundsvall. Here you should be able to come regardless of who you are and what you want to do. Here you should be able to find your place” The culture house recently conducted a survey of culture habits in Sundsvall. Among other lessons, the survey found that the sense of participation in Sundsvall’s culture life was lower here than average in sweden (Daniel Eklund, personal communication.) The culture house is facing development. Hardly any changes have been made to the physical form and disposition of programme since it was buildt, so the management felt it was the right time to do that. The group of warehouse buildings are well suited for public functions. The inner space is easily accessible, compared to the block structures of the inner city. area: 2764 sqm accessible facade: 241 m area: 2662 sqm accessible facade: 483 m Kulturmagasinet Kulturmagasinet have to be better at reaching more people, and strengthen the sense of participation- the architecture is well suited for working with this! The area is the cultural center of Sundsvall. The public space around Navet is not very programmed, and where space is programmed, there are activities mostly used by boys and young men. 31 BUILT STRUCTURE MASTERPLAN 1890 TORN DOWN STRUCTURES BUILT STRUCTURE CURRENT GRID HIGHWAY E4 MUNICIPAL PLANS Layers of time- local scale 32 BUILT STRUCTURE MASTERPLAN 1890 TORN DOWN STRUCTURES BUILT STRUCTURE CURRENT GRID HIGHWAY E4 MUNICIPAL PLANS 32 The waiting hall of Navet is placed inside of an old warehouse which used to be one in a group of seven warehouses on the site. Today five are still standing, and these warehouses can really be said to be monuments over the city’s position as an important shipping- and trading town’s in Norrland. This poistion stems back to it’s strategic position by the baltic sea and the importance of shipping as transportation mode throughout the town’s early history. (kulturmagasinet, 1988, 1). During these times, Norrland was isolated from december to April when the sea was covered with ice, and it was essential that food could be stored during these months. Since 1812 the city had ”stapelrätt”, the privilege to carry out shippping to foreign countri- es and to receive foreign ships. The city also had the right to receive, store and distribute goods for import or export (svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland, 2017)), but it wasn’t until 1860-1870 that this right was used in it’s full extent for goods apart from wood products. The textile- and colonial produce import to Norrland had until then mostly been handled by companies in Gävle and Stockholm. During Sundsvalls accelerating industrialisation from the mid 1800’s, Sundsvall became a prominent wholesale town and started delivering to big parts of the regions hinterland and further up north. In the city’s masterplan from 1870, nine warehouses are laid out at the site where the bus station is now. These were destroyed in a fire in 1888, but seven were rebuilt after the fire. Past and future The wholesalers had the same architects that designed their palaces on the main streets design the warehouses. Sven Malm and Gustaf Hermansson can be found among the architects. The bottom floors were designed for containing offices, trade and cafeterias for workers at the docks. The floors above ground were used for storing goods. Loading and unloading was done at magasinsgatan, the street between the two rows of buildings. In time, train tracks were built at this street. A few decades in to the 1900’s, trucks started to be used for distributing goods (2). During the 1950’s, wholesale dealers started moving their warehouses mostly to Birsta in the north of the municipality. Birsta is now a shopping precinct, housing big furniture- electro- nics and clothing chains. After the move of wholesalers,the warehouses served as warehou- ses for furniture- and paper, bicycle-repair shops and others. Apart from this theaters, music forums and even antique shops have been placed here. (2) The area to the south of the warehouses has been used as loading dock, truck stop, and bus station since the area started to be used. For a short period of time (1878-1910) the area housed a bath house, but it was torn down after the water was deemed unhealthy. (Sundsvalls museum, 2015). During the festival Gatufesten, held yearly in Sundsvall from 1987 until 2013, This area was used for concerts and carousels. Work with remnants and footprints of warehouses and the direction toward the waterfront. Intersect the old direction with most important current passages to the north side of the city. parts of the Navet area have been kept open for functional reasons throughout the years. Parts of the area should therefore still be open for bigger, temporary events. LESSON: 33 34 Sundsvall´s city center was almost completely burnt down in a fire in june, 1888. Because of the massive wealth gathered in the city from the timber and saw mill industry, In just a few years an entire city was built, employing architects that normally worked in bigger cities, situated further south in Europe. Because of this, the city center is unique in its’ kind, the northernmost 1800th century ”stone town”. Compared to many other Swedish cities, the innermost center got off quite easy from de- molition in the sixties and seventies, and now it seems there is a big reluctance to build in the center. What made Sundsvall so rich? SAW MILL ERA The foundation for Sundsvalls industrial character of today was layed in the 1800’s. The pe- riod before 1850 can be considered the saw mill movement’s pre-industrial era. The business was surrounded by several restrictions that controlled production, and the technical side of the business was under-developed (Bergström, 1970). In 1864 the Swedish Parliament intro- duced freedom of trade which meant that the guild-system with it’s quite strict rules about competition that regulated supply of goods and labour, was ended. Trading companies and factories could now be established freely on the countryside. (Centrum för näringslivshisto- ria: För-etagskällan, 2016). In 1849, the “Companies act” was carried out. This meant that companies could be divided in parts that were appraised and sold on a market. This created new possibilities for finansing large scale- and expanding businesses (Centrum för näringslivshistoria:Företagskällan, 2016). These two new laws, together with abolition of customs duties, the birth of the modern banking system and the birth of Tunadal, Sweden’s first steam-powered sawmill in 1849 (The saw mill is still in use, and is connected to Tunadal’s harbour, Norrland’s deepest harbour (Sundsvalls Hamn AB, 2917)) created a fast paced development of the saw mill industry. (Tjärnlund, 2009, p25-26). At the The Great Exhibition in London on the first of May 1851, Sweden exhibits almost exclusively Iron Products, since the saw mill industry is considered of subordi- nate importance. In 1869, export of wood products had a 42% share of the total export (Byström, 1978, 5) This is really a testiment to the great speed with which the saw mill-industry was growing at this time. The leading industrial nation is at this time England. The country’s number of inhabi- tants was almost doubled during the first half of the 1800’s, and by the middle of the century, half of the population is living in cities. With the growth of cities, the demand for wood products was high, and since Norways forests were starting to be empty (at east the ones closest to the coast), Norwegian forest owners started to look for in- vestments to the east. Up until the middle of the 1800th century Norwegian saw mill industry is technically superior to the swedish one, but by the time the industry is accele- rating in Sweden, the countries are equal (Byström, 1978, 6). Business in Sundsvall at this time was booming and attracted investors from Stock- holm, but also from outside of Sweden. Business was often shady, and purchasing land was not always done in a honorable way, and very often the companies were well aware of what they were doing to small land owners, and it is often done quite openly. In 1862 for example, the leaders of the Company Skönvik suggest that they should buy all the forests in some sparsely populated regions. The motif is to become the only employer, and through that have full power of salary levels. Stone city made from wood 35 Low buildings Compared to comparable turn of the century- architecture in Stockholm and Gothenburg, the blocks in Sundsvall´s “stone town“ are lower, 3-4 stories, creating small-scale, very ornament- ed buildings. Articulated roofs Because the buildings are low, the roofs become much more present. Corner entrances Urban Grid In the 60´s and seventies, big parts of many swedish city centers were rebuilt. Sundsvall was unusually spared from this. A lot of the buildings that were built after 1888 are still standing today, however, the interiors have not been as well preserved as the exteriors. A lot of the discussion around building in the city center is centered around preservation of the old buil- dings facades, but the contents of this architecture is forgotten about. The architecture of Sundsvall´s city center is characterized by a prominent grid, ornamented facades, quite low buildings, and articulated corners of buildings- through the use of corner entrances and towers. These features can be used in the continued work on the Navet area. Sundsvall´s inner city is an was an odd bird in its´surrounding context where both the archi- tecture and the owners of the buildings had their base in cities further south. The buildings in the inner city were built as manifestations of power and wealth. Conserving this image of the city, beautiful facades with little content, only adds to this distance between the city and its´inhabitants. The old warehouses at Navet are truly remnants from the time that layed the foundation for what Sundsvall is today. They might not be the most beautiful facades, but traces of Sunds- vall´s prominent industrial position, as well as its´connection to the sea, rivers and natural resources in the region are evident here. Allowing these buildings to represent a new era for Sundsvall city center- a social era, seems fitting. Dealing with ”Stenstaden” 36 area: 2764 sqm accessible facade: 241 m area: 2662 sqm accessible facade: 483 m summary strategies Hierarchy of streets and hubs in intersections!Connect north and south! Use strengths of existing buildings for public functions! LOCAL SCALE URBAN SCALE BUILDING SCALE 37 summary strategies Connect to esplanade and reinstate east-west esplanade Connect river and sea! park- low bushes & flowers, some trees sit intimately with a friend and enjoy the sun KIOSK LOCAL SCALE URBAN SCALE BUILDING SCALE PLANNED GREEN AREA POSSIBLE GREEN AREAS PRESENT GREEN AREAS PAST GREEN AREAS 38 Emphasize roofs & space formed between buildings! Social layer 39 40 40 Identity Navet is a place that every inhabitant in Sundsvall has a relationship with, whether as a com- muter, a dweller at Navet or as a beholder from a distance, reading newspapers or other media. Navet is generally perceived as an unsafe space. The local newspaper (Sundsvalls Tidning) wri- tes about the bus station quite often, and mostly the reports are negative. Among the top hits at st.nu, the newspaper’s website, headlines like ”Robbed a boy at Navet- man arrested”, ”several individuals involved in fight at Navet- man was hit in the head”,”Drug offence and drunkenness during thursday night” can be found (st.nu/sok, searchword ”Navet”). Navet is often used for political moves, where action against criminality and abuse is promised. In february this year, representatives from Moderaterna suggested testing a zone-prohibition, a possibility of banning some individuals to set foot at Navet. This ban would, if it was carried out, be unique in its’ kind in Sweden (Hellsén, 2017, 28 february). In an interview, the leader of the opposition Jörgen Berglund (M) says he is well aware that ”the people that should not be here” naturally will move somewhere else. When his colleague Tomas Tobé is asked how the city should solve the question of the tragic situation of some of the individuals at Navet, he suggests breaking the sense of alienation, and targeting youth. He does not mention how to do this or how this ban will help in this work. Navet is experienced as an unsafe environment by many, but according to group commander at the police of Medelpad, Andreas Zehlander, it is ”very, very rare that passers-by and commu- ters are victims of violent crimes”. He says that when there is a dispute the socially destitute fight amongst themselves (Hellsén, 2017, 15 september). When asked what he thinks of the plans for moving the bus station, he says it is a good idea, altough he recognizes that the addicts at navet will probably keep up their abuse of narcotics and alcohol. He says that there isn’t currently an analysis in place that says where, if not at Navet, this will happen. The criminology programme at Mid Sweden University conducts surveys of perceived safety at Navet. Teresa Silva, associated professor in Criminology, claims that the surveys all find that people in all age groups find Navet to be an unsafe place. At the same time, Sundsvall´s citizens are subject to crime less often than the average swede. (personal communication, 2 February 2018) Every 6 years the municipality conducts a survey directed at youth where questions regar- ding safety is brought forth. The results from 2015 point towards a declining feeling of safety in Sundsvall´s central parts among 8th and 11th graders. The decline is particularly evident among girls. In 2009 95% of girls said they always or mostly felt safe in the city center, but in 2015, the number was down to 74% (Sundsvalls kommun, 2015). 1997 2016 Year VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDENVÄSTERNORRLAND WOMEN MEN 75-84 years WOMEN MEN 65-74 years WOMEN MEN 45-64 years WOMEN MEN 25-44 years 15-24 years WOMEN MEN BUS BICYCLE OTHERSWALKTRAINCAR 20% 40% 60% 80% 22 8 16 5 8 12 18 4 6 3 2005 2015 2005 2015 1 47 20 15 10 5 25 A lc oh ol re la te d un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng f ro m o th er /u ns ec ifi ed d ru gs /m ed ic at io n un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om o th er n ar co tic su bs ta nc es un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om se da tiv es /s le ep in g pi lls 1 N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDEN RANK OUT OF 22 REGIONS D ru g- re la te d de at hs SW E D E N E U N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s Sense of safety Abuse issue Who uses public transportation? “I feel safe in central Sundsvall, most of the time” Girls´ answers in the survey “LUPP” to the statement: Drug- and alcohol related death´s / 100 000 inhabitants Trend alcohol related deaths 1997-2016 Journeys conducted in Sundsvall in 2016 “Navet is a troubleing excrement in Sundsvall´s living room- A turd in the middle of the parquet floor.” From column “Place a caravan by Navet “, by columnist Christer Nygren Sundsvalls Tidning, 17 th october 2018. Prohibition that bans disturbances at Navet- her is Moderaterna´s security plan: Massive problems” Headline in local newspaper and article by Pontus Hellsén 28 feb 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning “Police was alarmed about a “weird” man at Navet in Sundsvall” Headline Sundsvalls Tidning, November 4th “Addict Maja about unrest at Navet: ‘this is where safety is’ ”. Headline in local newspaper and article by Katarina Vikström, 30th september 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning Navet in the media Drug- related deaths Sense of safety ”I feel safe in central Sundsvall, most of the time” 41 Andreas Zehlander´s view is supported by Teresa Silva. Teresa is currently conducting several studies revolving around the situation at Navet, and agrees that crimes are comitted within the group of addicts dwelling at Navet, but claims that the violent crimes are comitted by young people (mainly males) that have been out a club and are intoxicated by mainly alcohol, but sometimes other substances, and come down to Navet to take a bus home or elsewhere. When they converge at Navet, unpleasant things can happen. It seems that the big problem of unsafe- ty at Navet does not come from Navets dwellers, the small group of addicts that hang out here when they have no place to go, as is the common idea among Sundsvaller´s. However, there is a core group of addicts that hang out at Navet, and because of connected issues with their use, mental health problems and so on, they can be unpredictable, and be per- ceived as a threat because of this (3). Silva claims that 60 percent of the dwellers can be easily helped and taken away from their life in social destitution. However, drug studies she has taken part in before point to that there will always be a few that are going to be more difficult to help (3). ”Helping them will require a change in mindset from punishment and blaming their problems solely on the individual, to seeing these issues as structural.” Although often done with the best of intentions, this view of the socially destitute as outside of society, something that should not be visible, shines through. Bodil Hansson, vice president of the municipal executive board, talks about slink in, a function in Sundsvall directed at handing out food and other essentials for Sundsvaller´s in social destitution, (see p.... ) in a radio inter- view on channel P4 (May 31, 2018). The interview is done in connection to the travel center that is going to be buildt next to the train station. She talks about the importance of the new station not becoming a hangout for drug addicts. This is supposed to be done with closing parts of the station at night, as well as employing guards. When asked if that doesn´t just mean moving the problem somewhere else, she says that there is a need for a ”meeting space” for addicts and homeless people, and that Slink in can be a place like that. (Sveriges radio P4, may 31 2018). | Navet is perceived as an unsafe space- and that image is maintained by media reports and a political need for a scapegoat. Navet is a hotspot for criminality in Sundsvall HITTA DETTA OCH FÅ MED?, but the general public is rarely subjected to the crimes, and are subjected to crimes in a lower extent than people in the rest of Sweden. || Violent crimes at Navet are for the most part comitted by passers-by and not dwellers at Navet. Yet the common view is that it is the dwellers that are dangerous. ||| When solutions for dealing with the unsafe situation at Navet are proposed, the rhetoric is often that something should be done so that the unwanted features (usually Navet´s dwellers) will go away from Navet. Can there be a change in mindset towards seeing these people (and functions directed at them)as existing in the city on the same terms as any other citizen/function? LESSON 42 42 With the previous section in mind, it seems that most commuters waiting for the bus at Navet are girls/young women and women age 75 and older. But Navet also attracts non-commuters in the form of a group of socially destitute individuals. In 2017, social services conducted a survey of the drug abuse situation at Navet (Sundsvalls kommun, 2017). The study identified spots at Navet where drug trade was conducted, and identified the individuals that spent their time at Navet. The survey shows that: The average ”Navet- dweller” is a man of 30 years up to about 55.. It is this group of older addicts that are perceived as a disturbance at Navet. Just a few, 5-10 of the dwellers are younger, 18-25, and some of them are assumed to belong to a group of alone coming refugees that stay at Navet in order to find a social context. who dwells at Navet?who travels by bus? In a poll made in 2016 where 4000 inhabitants of Sundsvall municipality answered questions about their daily travels (Sundsvalls kommun, 2017). The result suggests that in general, women travel by bus more often than men. The biggest difference between the genders can be seen between individuals aged 75-84 years. 22 percent of journeys for women of these ages are made by bus, as opposed to 8 percent for men (36). In the age group 15-24, 18 percent of women´s journeys are made by bus, as opposed to 12% for men. Population Sundsvaller´s are quite car dependant. Women travel by bus to a bigger extent than men. According to a lesson from the previous section, girls feel less safe in central Sundsvall than boys in their age group. A small group of addicts are perceived as the biggest disturbance at Navet, yet this group is not responsible for the crimes committed here. A group of young immigrants, waiting for a reply to their application for asylum spend time here in order to find a social context. LESSON LEARNED 1997 2016 Year VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDENVÄSTERNORRLAND WOMEN MEN 75-84 years WOMEN MEN 65-74 years WOMEN MEN 45-64 years WOMEN MEN 25-44 years 15-24 years WOMEN MEN BUS BICYCLE OTHERSWALKTRAINCAR 20% 40% 60% 80% 22 8 16 5 8 12 18 4 6 3 2005 2015 2005 2015 1 47 20 15 10 5 25 A lc oh ol re la te d un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng f ro m o th er /u ns ec ifi ed d ru gs /m ed ic at io n un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om o th er n ar co tic su bs ta nc es un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om se da tiv es /s le ep in g pi lls 1 N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDEN RANK OUT OF 22 REGIONS D ru g- re la te d de at hs SW E D E N E U N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s Sense of safety Abuse issue Who uses public transportation? “I feel safe in central Sundsvall, most of the time” Girls´ answers in the survey “LUPP” to the statement: Drug- and alcohol related death´s / 100 000 inhabitants Trend alcohol related deaths 1997-2016 Journeys conducted in Sundsvall in 2016 “Navet is a troubleing excrement in Sundsvall´s living room- A turd in the middle of the parquet floor.” From column “Place a caravan by Navet “, by columnist Christer Nygren Sundsvalls Tidning, 17 th october 2018. Prohibition that bans disturbances at Navet- her is Moderaterna´s security plan: Massive problems” Headline in local newspaper and article by Pontus Hellsén 28 feb 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning “Police was alarmed about a “weird” man at Navet in Sundsvall” Headline Sundsvalls Tidning, November 4th “Addict Maja about unrest at Navet: ‘this is where safety is’ ”. Headline in local newspaper and article by Katarina Vikström, 30th september 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning Navet in the media Drug- related deaths 43 Alcohol- and drug abuse in Sundsvall/ Västernorrland What is the issue? The Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare collects statistics regarding drug- and alcohol related deaths from Sweden´s 22 regions. The numbers come from cause of death determined by medical personnel when death has occured. There is no overall measure of both drug- and alcohol related deaths, the statistics is sorted into one category regarding alcohol related deaths, and 7 different categories related to death caused by narcotics and medication. In three out of 7 categories, Västenorrland has more deaths than the national average. In fact, in all three they come in at at least 4th place. Sundsvall ranks at number 1 in the categories ”unintentional poisoning sedatives/ sleeping pills” and ”unintentional poiso- ning other narcotics” (Socialstyrelsen , 2016). So, what does it mean that Västernorrland is one of the worse regions in Sweden? Statistics from the EMCDDA (European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction) show that the average number of drug related deaths in the European union is 21 per 1 million inhabitants. Sweden has the second highest number of deaths, 5 times as high as the average rate with a 100 deaths per million inhabitants (Bergstedt, 6th june 2017). It could be that Västernorrland is one of the worse regions on damage prevention from drug addiction, perhaps worse than average, in a nation that is among the worse in Europe. This is difficult to say with certainty since it is difficult to compare national statistics about drug related deaths because of diffe- rences in report methods, however, Sweden´s numbers were three times as high in 2015 than they were in 2004. Narcotics researcher Björn Johnson claims that Sweden has had a rising opioid use, and that the country has been sceptical of using some methods targeting this. Lately, both medical treatment of substance abuse, as well as handing out clean syringes has increased, but this system has come in place later than in many other countries. 1997 2016 Year VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDENVÄSTERNORRLAND WOMEN MEN 75-84 years WOMEN MEN 65-74 years WOMEN MEN 45-64 years WOMEN MEN 25-44 years 15-24 years WOMEN MEN BUS BICYCLE OTHERSWALKTRAINCAR 20% 40% 60% 80% 22 8 16 5 8 12 18 4 6 3 2005 2015 2005 2015 1 47 20 15 10 5 25 A lc oh ol re la te d un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng f ro m o th er /u ns ec ifi ed d ru gs /m ed ic at io n un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om o th er n ar co tic su bs ta nc es un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om se da tiv es /s le ep in g pi lls 1 N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDEN RANK OUT OF 22 REGIONS D ru g- re la te d de at hs SW E D E N E U N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s Sense of safety Abuse issue Who uses public transportation? “I feel safe in central Sundsvall, most of the time” Girls´ answers in the survey “LUPP” to the statement: Drug- and alcohol related death´s / 100 000 inhabitants Trend alcohol related deaths 1997-2016 Journeys conducted in Sundsvall in 2016 “Navet is a troubleing excrement in Sundsvall´s living room- A turd in the middle of the parquet floor.” From column “Place a caravan by Navet “, by columnist Christer Nygren Sundsvalls Tidning, 17 th october 2018. Prohibition that bans disturbances at Navet- her is Moderaterna´s security plan: Massive problems” Headline in local newspaper and article by Pontus Hellsén 28 feb 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning “Police was alarmed about a “weird” man at Navet in Sundsvall” Headline Sundsvalls Tidning, November 4th “Addict Maja about unrest at Navet: ‘this is where safety is’ ”. Headline in local newspaper and article by Katarina Vikström, 30th september 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning Navet in the media Drug- related deaths 1997 2016 Year VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDENVÄSTERNORRLAND WOMEN MEN 75-84 years WOMEN MEN 65-74 years WOMEN MEN 45-64 years WOMEN MEN 25-44 years 15-24 years WOMEN MEN BUS BICYCLE OTHERSWALKTRAINCAR 20% 40% 60% 80% 22 8 16 5 8 12 18 4 6 3 2005 2015 2005 2015 1 47 20 15 10 5 25 A lc oh ol re la te d un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng f ro m o th er /u ns ec ifi ed d ru gs /m ed ic at io n un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om o th er n ar co tic su bs ta nc es un in te nt io na l p oi so ni ng fr om se da tiv es /s le ep in g pi lls 1 N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s VÄSTERNORRLAND SWEDEN RANK OUT OF 22 REGIONS D ru g- re la te d de at hs SW E D E N E U N um be r o f de at hs / 10 0 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s Sense of safety Abuse issue Who uses public transportation? “I feel safe in central Sundsvall, most of the time” Girls´ answers in the survey “LUPP” to the statement: Drug- and alcohol related death´s / 100 000 inhabitants Trend alcohol related deaths 1997-2016 Journeys conducted in Sundsvall in 2016 “Navet is a troubleing excrement in Sundsvall´s living room- A turd in the middle of the parquet floor.” From column “Place a caravan by Navet “, by columnist Christer Nygren Sundsvalls Tidning, 17 th october 2018. Prohibition that bans disturbances at Navet- her is Moderaterna´s security plan: Massive problems” Headline in local newspaper and article by Pontus Hellsén 28 feb 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning “Police was alarmed about a “weird” man at Navet in Sundsvall” Headline Sundsvalls Tidning, November 4th “Addict Maja about unrest at Navet: ‘this is where safety is’ ”. Headline in local newspaper and article by Katarina Vikström, 30th september 2017 in Sundsvalls tidning Navet in the media Drug- related deaths 44 44 Alcohol- and drug abuse in Sundsvall What is the issue? Tiina Svelander, manager at Klippangården, a hostel that provides shelter for socially destitu- te in Sundsvall, claims that, in their experience, abuse in Sundsvall seems to have changed in recent years from addicts being ”fateful” to one drug to now being more mixed abuse (per- sonal communication januari 21, 2018). This becomes a problem when treating overdoses, since it is difficult to know what has been consumed. This view is supported by Teresa Silva, associated professor in Criminology at Mid Sweden University. She claims that drugs connec- ted to large organized crime, like heroin and cocaine, are quite unusual in Sundsvall (personal communication, January 19, 2018). Addicts in Sundsvall use whatever they can get their hands on and what they can afford, and that is usually a mix of medication and substitution drugs. Alcohol is the most commonly used substance, this information seems consistent with it being the most common cause of death among addicts. Cannabis is the most commonly seized narcotic. 45 other common substances include: | Opioid painkillers Opioids are substances that act on opioid receptors to produce morphine-like effects. Medi- cally they are primarily used for pain relief, including anesthesia | Benzodiazepines Group of medication used to treat anxiety disorders and temporary insomina | Lyrica Medication used to treat epilepsy | Subutex/Metadone Medication used for substitution treatment to treat opioid addiction (for example heroin). If the user is not a heroinist they will get a mildly euforic rush from it. The user takes the drug in liquid form, injects it or takes it in tablet form. Metadon can be deadly if taken by someo- ne who is not a heroinist. infrastructural connection The survey of the abuse situation at Navet (Sundsvall, 2017) identifies some actors as being connected to the abuse situation at Navet. Interviews have been conducted with these actors. The lessons from these will be accounted for in the coming section. social connection KLIPPANGÅRDEN SHELTER TRAIN STATION SLINK IN CITY HALL (SOCIAL SERVICES) HOSPITAL (SUBSTITUTION PROGRAM) TREATMENT FOR DRUG ABUSE 46 social connection 46 As could be seen in the previous section, the social situation at Navet has connections to actors and facilities that are not located at Navet. In this section this thesis will explore what can be learned from these facilities- and how this can guide the design and programme of this thesis´ architectural intervention. Should some of these functions be moved closer to Navet? What do they identify is needed at Navet? SOCIAL SERVICES The department for family- and adult support is located in the city hall building. Here the socialworkers in contact with the drug users are located. Apart from this, the social services have social workers and field assistants spread out at different adresses in the city, but there seems to be no drop- in service available SLINK IN Drop in service where people in social destitution can come and get something to eat, get help with contact with authori- ties or take care of their hygiene. Located a 15 minute walk to the northwest of Navet. Slink in used to have a more central placement and have experienced a 70% decline in visits since the move. KLIPPANGÅRDEN SHELTER Hostel were tenants that have nowhere else to stay can stay 2 nights at a time. No drop in function, booking is done in advance through on-call social workers. Located a 20 minute steep walk from Navet, surrounded by villas. The staff consi- ders this to be a good thing since it allows the addict to get away from context of Navet, since they feel they would have more disturbances then. SBC TREATMENT CENTER Located 8 kilometers from Navet. Interviewed staff say that it is good for the addicts to get taken away from their context while in treatment. Sundsvall´s treatment center also contains a work therapy center where people coming out of drug addiction can get help finding a meaningful context in order to stay away from drugs. The center also contains RÅBA (advisory bureau for alco- hol- and narcotics issues), a facility where citizens can book an appointment in order to talk anonymously about issues regarding drug- and alcohol abuse. Learning from social connections 47 Klippangården Shelter functions: | HOSTEL- 6 spots (2 allocated for women) | WINTER HOSTEL- 6 spots, allocated for EU migrants | SUPPORTED LIVING FOR HOMELESS PEOPLE RECOVERING FROM DRUG ADDICTION 13 spots, clients can stay up to 2 years. Klippangården is the only hostel that provides shelter for homeless people in Sundsvall. It is run and owned by the salvation army but the spots are bought by Sundsvall municipality. It is open every day, from 18.30 until 07.30. Spots are assigned through the social services and their telephone hotline where the individual that needs shelter can call. The hotline opens at 16.30 every day. The client is allowed to stay for 2 nights in a row, after that he/she has to make another phone call to see if there is room. Klippangården is located 1,4 km from Navet, in a part of town called Södermalm, located on Södra berget (the Southern mountain), so the walk up here is tougher than the distance hints at. Tiina Svelander, manager of the hostel, says she is happy with the location. She thinks it is important that it is not located right at Navet where their clients dwell, especially for the sup- ported living where the clients have to be sober in order to stay. She thinks that there would be more disturbances if that was the case. People banging on the door trying to get a spot when all the spots are allocated. However, she sees a need for a function that is located closer to Navet, a ”drop in” could be needed, where you can talk about what help there is, so that that is easily available. Tiina has worked at the hostel for 14 years, and says all the spots are almost always occupied and she doesn´t know how many people are in line for a spot every night. Lately Tiina has noti- ced that the clients are younger, and that there are more women coming to stay. Tiina says that their clients hang out at Navet when they are not at the hostel, and thinks that Navets bad reputation has more to do with people being uncomfortable with seeing human destitution, that we have preudice against people in that situation. ”We should be able to sit in our parks and wait for the bus, all of us! Make sure that Navet is a nice environment for the human, regardless of who he/she is”. 48 48 Slink In Function: drop in for people in social destitution where the client can get a fika, wash their clothes or just use a telephone. Two people work here. Marika Eljeström and Bengt Persson. They are employed by the social services, who also pays the rent for the house where Slink In is located. Some of the food handed out here is bought from a wholesaler using municipal money, but Slink In is also spon- sored by Willy´s food store and KRIS (Criminals´ Right In Society), donations from private persons or money inherited from people no longer alive (personal communication, january 18 2018). Since 2015 Slink In is located 1,1 km from Navet, at Villagatan in Sundsvall. Before that, for almost ten years, this function was located at Skeppargatan, 300 meters from Navet. Bengt Persson says that Slink In had to move because of complaints about disturbances from neig- hbouring businesses. Since the move, Slink in has lost ca 50 % of its´visitors, but drug use and social destitution has not decreased. Bengt Persson thinks that the decrease in visitors has to do with the distance (Sveriges Radio P4, june 6 2018), and sees a need for Slink In to be located closer to it´s clients, but in his view, perhaps not right at Navet. The organisation around Slink In has recently changed. The staff used to meet up with social workers on a monthly basis, and discussed issues regarding the clients. Now Slink In is organi- zed under ”Adult support”, and there are no regularly reocurring meetings with social workers. Jag tänker att slink in har en viktig funktion att fylla i samhället- att vara den här mötesplat- sen för människor om är hemlösa- för människor som har en missbruksproblematik- och de behöver finnas i relativt centralt läge i Sundsvall. Så förutom den här satsningen på det här resecentrumet, så ser du att det behövs en mötesplats också för personeri utanförskap och missbruk? Någonstans härinne i Sundsvall? Ja det gör jag, för jag tror inte lösningen är att bara avhysa människor, och säga att ni är inte välkomna här, ni är inte välkomna här, utan det måste finnas en mötesplats ocks för de här människorna.- Bodil Hansson, vice ordförande kommun- styrelsen i Sundsvall ”åtgärder så att inte missbrukarna flyttar dit när Navet försvinner”, talk of vakter and video surveillance (Sveriges radio P4, may 31 2018) 49 Sundsvall treatment center ”We believe in ”working with crisis”, if someone comes to us and says ”help me now”, it can be super important working in that minute. If we wait 20 minutes, then the will for treatment is gone, they have gone out and continued to do drugs.” functions: Facility for treatment of addcition ”Work Rehab”- work training RÅBA- Advisory bureau regarding issues of Narcostics and Alcohol abuse Sundsvall Treatment is located 8 kms from Navet (22 minutes by bus). The center provides a 12 step program for recovery from narcotic substance- alcohol and gambling abuse. You can get a spot here through the social services, but it is possible to call here and come for a talk about the possibilities provided. Veronica claims it is often connected with great anxiety calling here, because of stigma around these issues, so they try to be as acommodating as possible. Most clients are here out of free will, however some come after being taken into care under LVM (Lagen om Vård av Missbrukare, a law that allows a patient to be taken into forced care if there is a danger for his/her life or health). Addicts that have been in abuse for most of their lives are often taken into care under this law, but they rarely end up here. Sundsvall Treatment center is the main facility that the municipality uses, but if other care is needed, the municipality has to buy it from other municipalities or private caregivers. Apart from the treatment center, there is also a ”work rehab”. This rehab facility contains a café, workshop and gardening business run by addicts in recovery. The café can be visited by anyone. RÅBA, Advisory bureau regarding issues of Narcostics and Alcohol abuse, is also located here. Clients or their relatives can book an appointment and can come here and get advice about treatment. The SBC is quite happy with their placement in the city. Veronica feels as though it is good to force the addict to move out from his/her regular circles to be able to focus on the care. The program at SBC is carried out during 12 weeks. During these weeks the client is at the center from 9-15 evry day. The patient usually comes here during the day and goes home at night, but there are acommodations available for patients that need it. After this there is after care for 25 weeks. The patient then comes here once a week. Veronica says there might be a need fore a more outreaching care. If they had more resources she feels like they could have more possibilities for therapeutic talks and drug testing. There could also be a social worker there to help with more avute issues. 50 50 Safety center-Karlstad Not every city works with moving moving functions directed at social destitution out and away from identified ”problem areas”. Karlstad safety center, a drop in function directed at all of Karlstads citizens, has been located in central Karlstad since 11 years back. It is run by Räddningstjänsten, but other agenicies rent space within the center. The goal has been to have as many agencies represented as possible, to deal with any question regarding safety in Karlstad. The center is not directed at any specific group of people. Agencies and functions situated here are: 1 receptionist- there to direct the visitor to different agencies, or just grab a coffee with ( the safety center provides free coffee). Many people come in just to get some social interac- tion. 1 police officer- there to take reports on crimes, or just to talk to if you feel unsafe or wonder what to do about a crime. 2 social workers- there to talk to if the visitor needs a place to stay the night, or just wants help with going to the doctor or other help instances. Victim support Sweden (Brottsofferjouren)- 3 administative officers are situated here. A drop-in function for people that have been subjected to crime and want to talk about what to do or how to process the situation. Överförmyndarkansliet (fiduciary agency)- People in social destitution and under guar- dianship come here to meet their fiduciaries. Fire and rescue service- here to answer any question regarding safety. The center has many visitors from other municipalities. Sundsvall´s municipality planned on organizing a similar function, based on the one in Karlstad. The center was planned to open in october 2016. However, just a month before this, the plans were cancelled. In a radio interview 23 september (Sveriges Radio P4, 2016), Bodil Hansson, vice president of the municipal executive board and Josef Wiklund, chief police in Medelpad, claimed this had to do with the police´s inability to participate in the project due to limited resour- ces. Bodil Hansson claimed the municipality would instead focus their resources on more people out on the streets rather than at a set location. Karlstad safety center is located on Drottninggatan 30 in Karlstad, 350 meters from the city´s bus station, 550 meters from Stora Torget, Karlstad´s main square. According to Filippa Rosendahl, receptionist at the center, people are for the most part positive about this function, there has been no complaints about disturbances. The center has .... visi- tors/ day, and for some it is an important part of their daily routine and a chance to get some social interaction. There is one main entrance to the center. The reception desk is clearly visible from the entrance, and there is a waiting room next to it. There is also another waiting room loca- ted further into the building, for clients that want more privace while waiting, but Filippa claims people usually don´t seem ashamed of coming in here. Värmlands län scores below national average on drug-related deaths in 5 of 7 categories 51 A function on site- targeting people in social destitution is needed Andra narkotiska läkemedel/droger MÄN KVINNOR Playground Running/Jogging Outdoor gym Fotball WOMEN MEN WOMEN MEN Skate park 20% 40% 60% 80% GIRLS BOYS GIRLS BOYS GIRLS BOYS GIRLS BOYS 12 18 4 6 3 8 5 16 8 22 LESSON LEARNED Sundsvall has a big drug problem, compared to other regions in Sweden. The drug market contains mostly medication, substitution drugs and marijuana, and is virtually free from large organized crime. 52 52 Summary- Lessons from the social situation Navet is perceived as an unsafe space- and that image is maintained by media reports and a political need for a scapegoat. However, the blame for crimes comittted here is often placed on the socially destitute that dwell at Navet. Violent crimes at Navet are for the most part comitted by passers-by. It seems the prejudice against the socially destitute that dwell at Navet has to be dealt with! Indirect contact can be an important step towards reduced prejudice- making the group subjected to prejudice and functions connected to them more visible on site can help in chan- ging the perception of them. In order for social interaction between different social groups to happen on a more equal level- it is important that authorities are present on site- both for lowering the sense of threat that people might feel from the other group, as well as establish- ing a clear support from social and institutional authorities (see chapter theoretical framework- Intergroup contact theory). Navet is a hotspot for criminality in Sundsvall, but the general public is rarely subjected to the crimes. Sundsvaller´s are subjected to less crime than the average swede. Sundsvall has a big drug problem compared to other regions in Sweden, but the drug market contains mostly medication, substitution drugs and marijuana, and is virtually free from large organized crime. Criminals commit crimes in areas that are close to their daily routines, and that they are familiar with. Navet is a hotspot for crime since it is located centrally in town, close to public transport and major throughfares. This will not change with the move of the bus station. It is a criminality hotspot because of it´s lack of guardianship and maintainance- this is something that an intervention at Navet can work with. Outdoor activites at Navet should be centered around social interaction and ability to leave a mark- to be allowed to appropriate the space. If no effort is done at Navet at dealing with its´drug situation, simply moving the bus station from it´s current plot a block north will not lower the crime rate. Dealing with targeting people in social destituion, as well as maintaining the area better will have a better chance at reducing crime at Navet, as well as at places around Navet. Place specific interventions targeting crime can both reduce crime at the place, as well as cri- me around the place. When targeting Sundsvall´s drug problem, it seems important to work where the problem is (see chapter Theoretical framework- place in crime theory). 53 1. Support from authorities should be visible on site Summary, Lessons from Navet´s social situation: Allow for cultural activities to spill out of the cuture house, in the form of sculpture park, walls that can be written on an so on. Open up the building- more entrances and allow passage through the buildings WATCH THE CITY LIFE- OPEN UP FOR SPONTANEOUS MEETINGS SIT AND TALK INTIMATELY SIT AND EAT MANY KINDS OF SOCIAL INTERACTION FREE PLAY RATHER THAN PROGRAMMED BALLGAME AREAS shelter from wind, snow and rain SHELTER FROM WEATHER/ ACTIVITIES ALL YEAR ROUND/ ALL HOURS- Signal that everyone is welcome 2. Focus on Social interaction and cultural activites ADD A CENTER AT NAVET WHERE AUTHORITIES ARE PRESENT 3. There is a need for programmed activity at Navet.for increased sense of maintainance of the place DESIGN DESIGN 54 Summary, Lessons from Navet´s social situation: UNDER GROUND GROUND UPPER HOW CAN THAT BE TRANSLATED INTO PROGRAMME? 54 Summary, Lessons from Navet´s social situation: UNDER GROUND GROUND UPPER HOW CAN THAT BE TRANSLATED INTO PROGRAMME? 55 OPEN 24/7 OPEN LATE EVENING OPEN UNTIL EVENING WEATHER PROTECTED COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY FREE ACTIVITY LIBRARY MUSEUM LIBRARY RESTAURANT AUDITORIUM ADD A CENTER AT NAVET WHERE AUTHORITIES ARE PRESENT DESIGN LOCAL SCALE URBAN SCALE BUILDING SCALE Summary social- strategies Connect to and add social functions! Maintainance and activities! Add a safety center! Make sure it has many different kinds of entrances and that it is possbile to walk through the space! 56 BUILDING SCALE 56 Design proposal 57 1:3000 sec tio n b sec tio n a sculpture park play play park- low bushes & flowers, some trees sit intimately with a friend and enjoy the sun sit by the river, protected from weather sit alone and watch people go by, watch what happens on the square make a speech, protest, or just enjoy the sun and being seen KIOSK sit together and eat, protected from weather enter museum/ library leave a mark walk to the water view 1 SAFETY CENTER PUBLIC SAUNA (+4m) GREEN HOUSE view 3 view 3 view 2 1:200Plan safety center KIOSK Navet area Existing buildings Possible built structure phase 2 Possible built structure phase 1 Plan Navet 1:3000 sec tio n b sec tio n a sculpture park play play park- low bushes & flowers, some trees sit intimately with a friend and enjoy the sun sit by the river, protected from weather sit alone and watch people go by, watch what happens on the square make a speech, protest, or just enjoy the sun and being seen KIOSK sit together and eat, protected from weather enter museum/ library leave a mark walk to the water view 1 SAFETY CENTER PUBLIC SAUNA (+4m) GREEN HOUSE view 3 view 3 view 2 1:200Plan safety center KIOSK Navet area Existing buildings Possible built structure phase 2 Possible built structure phase 1 view 1 view 2 view 3 Section a Section b Room for two buses (7 meters) possible development! Sundsvall’s main street “Storgatan”- At the intersection Storgatan/Nybrogatan the street is closed off for car traffic. “Vängåvan” park sculpture park, the trees forming a roof over the parkroom for two people and two bikes (3,55 m) 2 bilar 1 cykelroom for two people and two bikes 6 meters- room for at 2 bike-lanes and 3 people walking (5,55 m)Sundsvall´s main street “Storgatan” Room for two buses (7 meters) MAGASINSGATAN- only for pedestrian and bike traffic room for two people and a bike Room for two buses (7 meters) possible development! 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